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May 27·edited May 27

The military conflict masks a greater geopolitical iceberg, for example the US Congress in 2005 wrote a law demanding answers about conditions inside the colony that America is responsible for, and whether the Indonesian claim of sovereign is valid; in response President Yudhoyono denounced the Americans as barbarians for asking and found US senators to delete the entire section (1115) from that year's Foreign Relations Authorization bill. President Kennedy had opposed the 'New York Agreement' throughout 1961, and only submitted to Indonesian demands after UN Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold was killed & replaced by Indonesia's Burmese friend U Thant. It should not be a surprise that Hammarskjold's death came six months after Indonesian officials said they liked the 'New York Agreement' trusteeship concept, and two days after Indonesia effectively declared on 17th September that it knew Hammskjold would be dead by the morning of the 1961 General Assembly on 19th September.

Although any lay person would be forgiven for not understanding the 1962 agreement, any lawyer reading the first sentence should immediately recognise it is a trusteeship agreement; and with a little investigation such as reading the UN Charter recognise that West Papua is a UN trust territory that the UN has illegally concealed from the UN Trusteeship Council for the past sixty years while certain business gentlemen had Indonesia bomb the Amungme & Kamoro homelands (1968) on behest of the Freeport mining company.

While the TPN has been essential in convincing western politicians that West Papuans are serious about wanting America and the UN to return West Papua's rights of life & liberty; no amount of shooting gun torting Indonesians will achieve that as effectively as getting the United Nations to obey its Charter (article 85 part 2) that requires the UN tell the Trusteeship Council about General Assembly resolution 1752 (the UN invasion and appointing of Indonesia as "administrator" of West Papua).

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