On February 1, 2021, Myanmar’s military, Tatmadaw, forced a coup against civilian leadership and formed the State Administrative Council (SAC), a military junta, to govern the country; that wrecked an already frail transition into representational democracy and plunged this poverty-stricken country into a savage civil war that has killed more than 52,000 people, internally displaced more than 3.5 million, and left 22 million civilians in danger of starvation and disease.

In the shadow of the coup, the military responded brutally against mass anti-junta protesters; many Myanmars took up weapons and formed anti-junta resistance groups — including the People’s Defense Forces — and joined up with existing ethnic armed organizations in Myanmar (EAO) to resist the junta. Armed groups have also allied themselves under umbrella organizations, such as the Chin Brotherhood, which is composed of multiple armed organizations and is an offshoot of the Chinland Council; the latter is the main anti-junta political body in western Myanmar’s Chin State.

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Since the coup, the opposition has made impressive territorial gains and victories, such as the five-month-long Battle of Falam in the Chin State. Currently, the military controls about 21 percent of the country, while anti-regime forces and EAOs control around 42 percent, with the rest currently being contested.

The most recent mass casualty event of the war happened on October 6, 2025 when regime forces used a paraglider to bomb a Buddhist festival that was also an anti-government protest; at least two dozen people died including two members of the resistance group Sagaing Region Strike Forces.

The conflict is complicated due to several reasons: the variety of EAOs and anti-junta groups operating in the country and their differing goals, the influence of China and other countries, and a 7.7 earthquake in March, among other factors.

One such anti-junta force is the Anti-Fascist International Front (AIF), a relatively new armed group that came together before the Battle of Falam. Below, we have an interview with Azad, a fighter of the AIF. Militant Wire co-founder War Noir facilitated and conducted the interview.

(Please note, the subject of this interview is not speaking on behalf of the AIF.

• When was the Anti-Fascist International Front (AIF) formed and what is its main goal?

The Anti-Fascist Internationalist Front is a formation of individuals of many nations, fighting alongside the peoples of Myanmar in their struggle against the dictatorship. It was formed on October 15th, 2024, just before the Battle of Falam, as a collaborative effort of internationalists inside and outside of Myanmar. The "main goal" of the AIF is to stand in practical solidarity with the peoples of Burma in their ongoing revolution against a totalitarian system, and ultimately participate in the revolution as part of the natural self-defense mechanism of democratic society.

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• What challenges did you face while organizing the AIF?

While in Myanmar, we have been met with great reception from comrades of every background. There was a period of uncertainty in foreign leftist and internationalist circles about the AIF. Due to the nature of the struggle here, we had to be very careful about what information came out to the public, and naturally there was not a lot of information available for the first four or five months of the AIF. Thankfully, many of our comrades are now back in their home countries, and the practical experience of the AIF in Myanmar is being shared both online and in person.

• How would you describe the ideology of AIF?

The AIF has yet to publicly disclose a position on this topic. I think positions on certain abstract issues are less important than the values expressed by the practical expression of internationalist solidarity currently displayed by the AIF. Most comrades are coming to Myanmar from a leftist background, anarchists, socialists, confederalists. Many comrades have prior experience in the ongoing revolution in Kurdistan. The overarching theme is that internationalists are coming to Myanmar to stand in solidarity with the path that the people themselves are carving against dictatorship and authoritarianism, not to enforce their own beliefs.

• Is AIF an independent group or does it operate as part of another group?

The AIF is an autonomous internationalist formation.

• Which groups do you consider your allies?

Not speaking for the organization here, but the AIF has worked with and will continue to work with any group fighting the SAC dictatorship on behalf of the peoples' will in the transition to a more democratic society. Until now we have mostly been working with groups in the Chin Brotherhood alliance, but we have fought alongside and participated in training with Chinland Council groups, as well as revolutionary armies from all around the country.

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• Has the group or fighters previously participated in other conflicts outside Myanmar?

Some comrades have previous experience in other struggles, political as well as military. Others do not. For us, it is not a meaningful distinction, as we are here first and foremost as revolutionaries, not as some kind of foreign special forces.

• What is the attitude of locals and other groups of fighters towards the AIF?

Without the support of our on-the-ground partners and allies, the AIF as a concept would not be possible, and we would not have been able to achieve the degree of success we have today. As internationalists, we're humbled by the response that local comrades of all ethnicities and backgrounds have had towards the AIF. In a real way, with dozens of nations within "Myanmar" uniting to fight against the dictatorship, the current revolution is already inherently internationalist. The AIF is just another addition to that struggle.

• The AIF played an active role in the Battle of Falam. Could you talk a little about the significance of the battle?

The AIF was formed just before the battle, and participated in the preparations and early recon — all the way to the last day of the battle. Falam is said to be the only battle of its size to have been waged completely by groups formed after the 2021 coup. While there was critical logistical support from existing EROs [EROs aka ethnic armed organizations is another terms for EAOs], Falam was a great example of the strength and potential of the armies of the spring revolution, and it was an honor that internationalists could share in that victory.

• Do you think the fight against the junta has received sufficient international coverage and attention?

Mainstream media outlets, driven mostly by profit, find it hard to cover Myanmar, where the popular resistance is difficult to find an easy angle to glamorize, and the everyday tragedy of the reality of civil war is uninteresting to viewers. Except for when an earthquake kills hundreds, a junta airstrike kills dozens, or a flood washes away a village, the media is largely silent. At the same time, inaccurate and sensationalist headlines like, "The junta has lost control of most of the country" misrepresent the reality of the situation. Anyone who wants to pay attention to the conflict would do well to ignore any cynical coverage of the revolution here. In reality, despite its problems, it is a beautiful and multifaceted revolution of an entire people rising up against an authoritarian regime.

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Note: Introduction by Militant Wire editor, writer and analyst Sharon Adarlo.

The decades-long insurgency in the Papuan provinces has been intensifying. The TPNPB has now become a significant security threat for Jakarta. In this interview from late January, Militant Wire speaks (again) to Sebby Sambom, the spokesperson of the TPNPB.

At the end of 2022, you said that the TPNPB will increase its activities and operations in Papua. Looking back at 2023, how would you say that the year was for the TPNPB?

Yes, TPNPB troops have done their best, they have carried out attacks in several areas in Papua, and in 2023 TPNPB troops carried out attacks 204 times. In these 204 attacks, TPNPB troops succeeded and killed 79 Indonesian security forces, including members of the Intelligence Services, and injured 81 Indonesian security forces.

New Zealand citizen Philip Mehrtens is now the longest-serving prisoner in the Free Papua war (The Mapenduma 1996 kidnapping lasted only five months). Has Indonesia or New Zealand talked with you properly to seek his release? What are the current demands by the TPNPB for his release? Would you consider releasing him?

This is a good question, Mr. Uday. And I, as the TPNPB spokesperson, will answer it. Yes, we have faith and good intentions to free the Kiwi pilot. And we carried out this in the initial stages of a high-level meeting with the New Zealand Government delegation on April 5th, 2023 in Port Moresby, but there was no follow-up because the New Zealand Government had no further intention.

We also sent an official letter to the President of Indonesia in Jakarta in May 2023, and it was received by the President of Indonesia Joko Widodo. In this case, after the President of Indonesia received our letter, he agreed to negotiate with us, but then there was no further confirmation.

So we think that the New Zealand Government and the Indonesian Government are both unable to talk with us about freeing the Kiwi Pilot, and they don't understand humanity, because, for the sake of humanity, we have to talk to free the New Zealand pilot.

In this case, we at TPNPB Headquarters Management agreed to release the New Zealand pilot, because he was a pilot from our neighboring country, and most Australians and New Zealanders are supporters of an independent Papua. And we also detained him not as an enemy, but as a friend living with TPNPB troops in the Ndugama region, Papua.

Previously, you mentioned that there was no external or international support for the TPNPB, in terms of funding and weapons. Has that changed in the last year?

This has not changed, we are still fighting in our own way and style, namely seizing weapons from the enemy and also buying limited ones or exchanging them for gold. So we need support, and still hope it will come. We hope that any country can open its eyes and support us.

Last year, Indonesian media said that the TPNPB used village development money for funding. They also claim the TPNPB is extorting these funds. How would you respond? You also mentioned in a Reuters interview that the TPNPB made money from gold and timber.

This is a baseless accusation, we have never received village money, because we are not part of the Indonesian Auxiliary, but we convey the fact that it is the Indonesian Military and Police who use the Papua Special Autonomy money and we also suspect that they use the money afterward. The Indonesian military and police intervened in the villages. And the news on Reuters is true, because we use our natural resources to sell and earn money to buy weapons, and Indonesia's accusations are very untrue.

The TPNPB last year killed indigenous Papuans, like Michelle Kurisi Doga, because she was suspected of being a spy. Will you target more indigenous Papuans who work with Indonesia?

Yes, if they are part of the Indonesian military and police spying. And we did this because the Papuan natives would provide information on the whereabouts of TPNPB troops so that the TNI knew. That is why we had to kill espionage from the Indonesian military and police immediately, and that was natural and valid under the law of the revolution.

The 2024 elections are coming in February. What is the TPNPB’s official stance on these elections?

Yes, we the TPNPB always reject all Indonesian programs in Papua, so we will organize to disrupt the national election of Indonesia.

The TPNPB is getting more weapons, from Indonesian security forces. How would you describe the relationship between Indonesian soldiers who sell weapons to the TPNPB? What other sources of weapons do you have?

The TPNPB buying weapons from individual members of the Indonesian military and police is natural, because they need money and we need weapons, and on the other hand, members of the Indonesian military and police are also human beings who have feelings and feel the suffering of the Papuan people, so indirectly their support for Independent Papua, they sell weapons and ammunition to the TPNPB even though the risks are very high. Therefore, we appreciate and respect the members of the Indonesian military and police who sell weapons to us. And another source is to kill members of the Indonesian Military and Police and then take them away to the TPNPB Headquarters in the forest.

What is your stance towards indigenous Papuans who want independence from Indonesia in a peaceful way? What would you say to them?

We really appreciate all native Papuans who are struggling through peaceful means (non-violent struggle), but we consider this desire to be an empty hope (hopeless). Because Indonesia is ruled by ancient Javanese people, it does not understand the People's Democratic Rights. Therefore, Indonesia will not do it, and the Indonesian government remains stubborn as a rock, so we have to expel Indonesia by force through a massive war. And for indigenous Papuans who want to get Independence in a peaceful way, we consider them to be people who fail to understand, because Papuan independence will not be realized peacefully, but must be through an open war and massive fight.

What are the TPNPB’s aims, goals, and aspirations for 2024?

Our aim is only one, namely to fight with minimal armed force to seize the political rights of independence of the Papuan people which have been seized by the Colonial Government of the Republic of Indonesia through military invasion starting from May 1, 1963. Based on the UN Charter to grant the right to independence to all nations’ colonies throughout the world, then the Dutch Government formed the Government of West Papua, and its State Emdrio was announced on December 1, 1961, but the Colonial Government of the Republic of Indonesia has taken away our rights through military invasion in accordance with the Three People's Commands (Trikora) which were declared by Sukarno in Yogyakarta on December 19th, 1961. Therefore, we will continue to fight until Papua is fully independent.

Do you have any message for whoever is reading this?

We need UN member Countries who are willing to stand with us please support Military logistics and finances, we are serious because we have many resources. We openly ask for war logistics and financial assistance from all UN member countries, so which country will be ready to support us, then that country will be the first friendly country after we gain complete independence from Indonesia's illegal occupation of our ancestral land. Because our country is very rich, and Papua is like a beautiful girl. Therefore, any country that is willing to support us, please immediately come forward to stand with us, so that we can openly start the war and fight against the Indonesian illegal occupation over Papuans’ ancestral lands. And on the war, we will test the capabilities of war between the Indonesian Terrorist Forces, namely the Indonesian military, the police personnel, and the West Papua National Liberation Army.

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On March 12, 2023, a soldier of the Frontier Constabulary was killed in an armed attack on a check post in the Baka Khel area of Bannu district, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. Jabhat Ansar al-Mahdi (Khorasan/Waziristan), an outfit affiliated with the Hafiz Gul Bahadur group, took responsibility for the attack and simultaneously announced the beginning of a “spring offensive” against the Pakistani security forces. This new offensive was termed “Operation Tariq ibn Ziyad.”

In the last week of December 2022, the group released a video that showed, an individual, whom the group claimed was working for Pakistani security forces, being abducted, interrogated, and subsequently executed by a militant.

The execution of the alleged spy came on the heels of an attack by TTP militants on the compound of the Counter Terrorism Department in Bannu, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. TTP fighters (including commanders), who were in the custody of CTD personnel inside the compound, reportedly, overpowered security personnel and snatched their weapons. Several other inmates were freed, and security officials in the building were held hostage. The militants demanded safe passage to Afghanistan.

After two days of failed negotiations between the government and the militants, the Pakistan Army’s Special Services Group (SSG) commandos launched an operation and killed all 25 militants.

One of the reasons for the abduction and subsequent execution of the spy that could be understood from the video shared was that he was allegedly involved in passing information to the Pakistani security forces that led to the arrest of two militants, Abdul Qayyum and Amanullah, who were involved in orchestrating the hostage crisis inside the CTD compound in Bannu.

Militant attacks in Pakistan have surged ever since the Afghan Taliban took over Kabul in August 2021. A significant number of these attacks have been carried out by the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), or the Pakistani Taliban, after a cease-fire between the group and the Pakistani government broke down in November last year, with the TTP commanding its members to launch assaults “anywhere you can in the entire country.”

The Pakistan Security Report 2022 states that 179 of the 262 attacks that took place last year were carried out by organizations with a religious motive such as the TTP, Hafiz Gul Bahadur group, and Islamic State (also known as Daesh).

According to the Pakistan Institute for Conflict and Security Studies, the country experienced at least 376 terror attacks in 2022, in which 533 people were killed and 832 were injured. This is the first time since 2017 that the country has faced more than 300 militant attacks. In 2017, Pakistan witnessed 420 militant attacks in which 912 people were killed and 1877 were injured.

January 2023 saw one of the deadliest attacks to strike the country in recent years. A total of 84 people, mostly policemen, lost their lives in a suicide blast that occurred inside a mosque in Peshawar’s Police Lines area in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. A few days later, on February 17, TTP militants stormed the Karachi Police Office building in Sindh province, killing 5 and injuring 17.

Apart from the TTP, another Islamist group called the “Hafiz Gul Bahadur group” has been involved in attacks against the Pakistani security forces.

Background
Hafiz Gul Bahadur, a leader of the Pakistani Taliban, once controlled the North Waziristan district. He probably participated in the Afghan civil war from 1992 to 1996, during which the Taliban began to seize control of most of Afghanistan.

Bahadur was active as the leader of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) in North Waziristan district. He had vehemently opposed the deployment of monitors by the United Nations near the Afghanistan-Pakistan border region in order to halt the flow of weapons to the Afghan Taliban. After the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, following the 9/11 attacks, foreign fighters started migrating from Afghanistan into tribal areas of Pakistan. Bahadur, while he opposed the Pakistani military operation against the militants, remained skeptical of the presence of foreign fighters in North Waziristan, many of whom were Uzbeks – part of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan.

Beginning in 2004, there were reports of clashes and an eventual peace deal between Bahadur and the Pakistani government in September 2006. The deal, however, could not be enforced, and the peace accord was called off in July 2007 with Bahadur accusing the Pakistani government of re-establishing checkpoints along North Waziristan roads.

In December 2007, Hafiz Gul Bahadur joined Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (an umbrella organization of 40 senior Taliban leaders from throughout Pakistan). He was a member of the local Taliban shura since 2005. Gul Bahadur was appointed as the deputy emir of the group. While a member of the TTP, Hafiz was involved in negotiations with the Pakistani government to reach an agreement to establish peace in the area. He chaired a meeting of militants that extended a cease-fire until January 20, 2008.

Gul Bahadur started to distance himself from the TTP after the latter began attacking Pakistani government forces. He refused to coordinate activities with the TTP. In late December 2008 and early January 2009, the then-leader of al-Qaidah Osama bin Laden and Afghan Taliban leader Mullah Omar met with three important commanders of the TTP – Baithullah Mehsud (chief), Hafiz Gul Bahadur and Maulvi Nazir. They urged the leaders to put aside their differences, reduce their attacks inside Pakistan, and provide support to the Afghan Taliban, who were at that time fighting the NATO forces.

The commanders agreed and a temporary alliance was formed known as the “Shura Ittehad ul-Mujahideen” in February 2009. The council, however, was disbanded in August 2009, and Bahadur and Nazir decided to split from the TTP and started acting as independent groups within the Pakistani Taliban.

Bahadur has maintained on-and-off relationships with both the Pakistani government and Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan over the last several years. The group has scaled up attacks after the Afghan Taliban took control of Kabul in 2021, with many of these attacks being suicide bombings (some of them went unclaimed, but they have been attributed to the group).

Interview
In two separate interviews given to the author, the spokespersons of Jabhat Ansar al-Mahdi and Jaish-e-Fursan-e-Muhammad, both the groups being factions of Hafiz Gul Bahadur group, spoke about their group and presented their views.

“Jabhat Ansar al-Mahdi is not a separate organization,” said the spokesperson for the group. “We are part of the Hafiz Gul Bahadur group, and our outfit came into existence first under the leadership of Abdur Rehman Wazir. We began our fight first because of the American invasion of Afghanistan, and then when Pakistan became an American frontline ally to support the latter’s aggression in Afghanistan,” he added.

Zubair Waziristani continued, “Last year, we decided to revamp our outfit and create new rules and regulations. The group was not previously an organized group.”

When questioned about the group's fighters and leadership, he responded that Hafiz Gul Bahadur is the group's leader, but Siddiqullah Siddique is in control of the organization. “Only Pakistani Mujahideen are a part of our organization, and we have sworn loyalty to Haibatullah Akhundzada, the leader of the Afghan Taliban.”

Jaish-e-Fursan-e-Muhammad was founded in 2014, the group’s spokesperson disclosed. “We first waged jihad in Afghanistan against the American troops and its allies. The Pakistani military took advantage of this circumstance to begin operations in North Waziristan, which resulted in hardship for the locals. We, therefore, resolved to launch a war against the Pakistani government following discussions among ourselves,” said Nusratullah Waziristani.

“Our leader is Maulvi Hafiz Gul Bahadur, and the person in charge of our organization is Khalid. We have sworn fealty to the Emir of the Afghan Taliban, Haibatullah Akhundzada, and there is no difference between us and other jihadist organizations fighting against the Pakistani government,” the spokesperson said.

“Our organization consists of common fighters and Istishhādeen (suicide bombers),” Nusratullah Waziristani stated, adding that the group has a separate formation for common fighters and another for Istishhādeen.

The spokespersons for both factions assert that they do not receive any assistance from the Afghan Taliban, despite the fact that they have sworn allegiance to the Emir of the Afghan Taliban.

“After 20 years of sacrifice, Afghanistan has the government that it has today. We have not requested personnel or financial assistance from the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan due to political expediency; instead, we fulfill our needs through other means from Pakistan”, claimed Zubair Waziristani.

“We have sacrificed a lot in order to establish the Islamic Emirate. However, even after its establishment, we have not asked for any kind of help or cooperation because it is still in a state of war, and most importantly, we do not need any help from the Islamic Emirate,” said Nusratullah Waziristani.

Another militant group operating in Pakistan that has pledged allegiance to the Emir of the Afghan Taliban is the biggest and most deadly outfit of which Hafiz Gul Bahadur was once the deputy chief is Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan. The chief of TTP, Mufti Noor Wali Mehsud alias Abu Mansoor Asim, pledged allegiance and reiterated the same after the Afghan Taliban seized Kabul.

“We view the TTP, an organized organization, as our brothers. The fact that there haven't been any unpleasant incidents between the groups is proof that we have good ties with them”, Zubair Waziristani stated.

Nusratullah Waziristani confirmed the statements of Zubair Waziristani, declaring “There is no disagreement with Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan. We all have only one goal.”

Besides TTP, Zubair Waziristani asserted that they have no direct links with al-Qaidah. However, “we definitely are aligned ideologically,” he said.

Nusratullah Waziristani, too, denied having any links with al-Qaidah.

“Mujahideen from all over the world are our brothers,” Zubair mentioned, adding that the groups that were dormant for the past few years and have recently become active in Pakistan and claimed responsibility for attacks. He believed Lashkar-e-Khurasan, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, and others “should unite under the leadership of one Emir, and we are trying to do it according to our own ability.”

Though they consider “Mujahideen from all over the world as their brothers,” one particular group has been excluded from this category; the extremely violent transnational jihadist group known as the Islamic State or Daesh.

“Our strategy and outlook on Daesh are similar to that of the Afghan Taliban's strategy and outlook,” Zubair Waziristani responded when asked about the group’s opinion on the ISKP and its alleged links with the TTP.

“Daesh has no presence in Pakistan,” claimed Nusratullah, while simultaneously advising them to “stop massacring innocent and oppressed Muslims,” and inviting them “to join the Islamic Emirate (Afghan Taliban).”

Conclusion:
The former Chief of the Army Staff, General (R) Qamar Javed Bajwa recently admitted to “managing” Pakistani politicians, journalists, and foreign affairs. Pakistan, meanwhile, is facing economic turbulence and political instability. The former Prime Minister Imran Khan accused the Pakistani military and the ISI of ousting his government in a controversial vote of no-confidence last year in April. Since then, the economy has experienced a downturn, and the nation has seen divides in politics, society, judiciary, and—most significantly—within the military.

All these factors have enabled militants to gain a foothold in the country. This was confirmed in a recent letter by the governor of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province to the Election Commission of Pakistan, wherein he stated that the “TTP is now running a shadow government in Pashtun majority areas of the country.”

Beginning in July 2020, nearly two dozen militant groups have pledged their loyalty to Mufti Noor Wali Mehsud, the Emir of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan. Access to modern weapons left by the U.S. and its allies in Afghanistan during their withdrawal from Kabul in 2021 has only exacerbated the conflict.

These variables have hampered the military's fight against militant organizations, and it appears that militants are taking advantage of the situation by increasing pressure on Pakistani security forces. This trend suggests that Pakistan will likely see a rise in violence in 2023.

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US Vice President Kamala Harris traveled to the Philippines on November 21, 2022, to reaffirm America’s “commitment to the defense alliance with the Philippines” and discuss ways to strengthen economic ties. The White House released a statement reiterating “the interests of the United States in peace and stability in the South China Sea” and said, “that an armed attack on Philippine armed forces, public vessels, or aircraft in the Pacific would invoke U.S. mutual defense commitments under Article IV of the 1951 U.S.-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty.”

With a clear eye on China, Harris and Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr spoke about greater maritime support for the country and an increase in the number of American troops rotated and stationed across the archipelago. This marks something of a shift from the position of Marcos Jr’s predecessor Rodrigo Duterte who seemingly desired a more “independent foreign policy.”

Marcos Jr declared “I have said many times: I do not see a future for the Philippines that does not include the United States.” Harris, remarking on Chinese incursions, condemned the trend of foreign vessels entering Philippine waters depleting the fishing stock and harassing local fishers. China loomed large during Harris’s visit. Manilla and Beijing have competing territorial claims in the South China Sea, and the US moves to form a security coalition in the area.

Amidst the intensifying great power competition in the region, this trend only accelerated when Washington and Manila came to an agreement earlier this month to allow the US access to four additional military bases in the Philippines. The announcement was made following a meeting between US Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin and Marcos Jr in the capital.

A Chinese representative issued a barbed response to the news, alleging the US “continues to step up military posture in this region,” and “its actions escalate regional tension and undermine regional peace and stability.”

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Tensions between the two regional states have notably risen since with accusations levied about a Chinese ship directing a military-grade laser at a Philippine coast guard patrol vessel and then performing a close maneuver to block its path on February 6. The United States responded in short order, declaring it will defend its ally if they are attacked.

Feeling stuck in the middle of these two giants and objecting to any involvement in an “inter-imperialist war” is the Red resistance movement in the Philippines. To gain a deeper understanding of how the insurgents perceive these geopolitical developments, Militant Wire interviewed Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) Chief Information Officer Marco Valbuena.

Philippine Communist Insurgents Accuse Government of Fuelling US-China War
The CPP came out strongly against the high-profile US delegation’s November visit and meetings with government officials. The group is highly adversarial to both Washington and Beijing, advocating for Philippine independence and territorial sovereignty while pushing to avoid getting stuck in the middle of an intensifying great power competition between the two behemoths.

The communist guerrillas ardently oppose what they see as a dangerous trajectory of US-China strategic rivalry in Asia as well as the Philippines leaning toward Washington. They have simultaneously scathed Chinese maritime aggression and incursions into Philippine coastal territories.

CPP Chief Information Officer Marco Valbuena told MW:

The … visit by US President Harris was conducted on the backdrop of heightening efforts of the US imperialism to stoke conflict with imperialist rival China, as well as continuing support to local counterinsurgency marked by worsening forms of state terrorism and rampant violations of human rights under the Marcos regime.

Harris' visit was intended to cement US military foothold in the Philippines by firming up plans to build more US military bases and facilities in the country, in addition to already existing five. Also, it also served to highlight US military interventionist in the local national affairs of the Philippines.

Valbuena believes the United States seeks to contain China by aggressively pursuing a “military strategy to control the "first-island chain," in which, according to the Pentagon's Indo-Pacific Strategy, the US plans to establish land-based missile systems to "surround" China.” He said this is an “affront to Philippine sovereignty” as the US “aims to use the Philippines as a launching pad for a possible military conflict with China.”

Similarly, addressing the more recent news about the expansion of America’s military footprint on Philippine soil, Valbuena asserted “the recent agreement to allow the US to build its facilities inside four more military bases in the Philippines, specifically in the northern and western region provinces, forms part of the accelerated push of US imperialism to raise the temperature of its military conflict with China.”

However, at the same time, the CPP spokesman criticized Beijing’s aggression and violation of maritime sovereignty:

We denounce China's naval forces for beaming a reported military-grade laser against a Philippine coast guard ship last February 6 within the country's maritime territory. We consider this a gross violation of Philippine sovereignty. This act is clearly China's response to the plans of the US increase its military presence in the Philippines.

We call for a de-escalation of tensions by demanding both the US and Chinese military to dismantle its facilities and withdraw its military forces within the Philippines. The Filipino people must fight for Philippine sovereignty and demand the superpowers, especially the US, to stop their sabre-rattling which threaten to escalate to open armed conflict which will pull in the Philippines and other countries.

It is surprising to some that the CPP is opposed to China given its purported communist governing ideology, however, the Philippine insurgents believe Beijing has betrayed its revolutionary origins by distorting Marxism-Leninism and disempowering the proletariat, with the bourgeoisie regaining power and implementing a capitalist system.

CPP Lambasts US Support of Manila’s Counterinsurgency Efforts
The Red fighters see the US’s push for influence in the country as comprising both support for conventional military and counter-insurgency efforts.

Marco Valbuena claims that “the US government continues to push the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to intensify its war of suppression against the national and democratic forces in the Philippines.” He adds that “counterinsurgency in the Philippines is a US war aimed at suppressing forces opposed to US domination and resisting the rule of the US neocolonial state.”

Concluding the interview, MW asked Valbuena how the US military and intelligence apparatus back Philippine counter-insurgency efforts, to which he replied:

The US supports "counter-terrorism" of the AFP under the US State Department's Operation Pacific Eagle-Philippines, an opaquely-funded operation under US foreign counter-terrorism operations. US troops are permanently stationed in the Philippines, and many embed themselves in AFP units to provide "advise." We have received reports of American soldiers joining AFP combat operations.

The US operates surveillance drones in the Philippines and provide real-time data to the AFP. This was openly revealed to the public during the months-long aerial bombardment of Marawi City in 2017. We are aware of American drones regularly hovering the Philippine countryside where NPA units operate.

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The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and New People’s Army (NPA) are involved in one of the world’s longest-running insurgencies, and for over 50 years Red fighters have been waging armed resistance against the Philippine government and security forces.

The recent election of Ferdinand "Bongbong" Romualdez Marcos Jr was highly symbolic given how his father’s policies and particularly his declaration of martial law in the early 1970s helped fuel the nascent stage of the communist guerrilla rebellion. Marcos Jr, his administration, and the military have taken hardline public positions in recent months and have promised to turn up the tempo of counter-insurgency operations. This has involved intensified efforts of tracking prominent CPP-NPA members, with one area of focus being Negros Island which is part of the Visayan Islands in central Philippines.

According to the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), at least eight NPA fighters have been killed between March 23, 2021, and October 10, 2022, in Negros. Since the start of October, at least six clashes have taken place on the island and thousands of people have fled the fighting in parts of Negros. Earlier this year, the AFP claimed that the NPA’s strength in Negros Occidental has halved.

The NPA has five fronts in Negros. These include Central Negros Front 1 and 2 as well as the Southwest Negros Front. Authorities declared that they had dismantled the Northern Negros Front last year and the South East Negros Front the year before. The NPA denies this. Narratives of clashes are often similarly disputed — the NPA sometimes claims that the AFP conducts fake encounters or kills civilians who are then referred to as NPA members. The AFP says that its operations are legitimate and that the NPA groups in Negros are criminals who target the community.

Militant Wire was able to interview Juanito Magbanua, a prominent guerrilla leader and spokesman of the Regional Operational Command of the NPA on Negros Island, shortly before he was killed by the AFP on October 10, 2022.

Juanito’s death is a significant blow to the network in Negros and the details surrounding his killing have been intensely disputed by the two sides. The Armed Forces of the Philippines claim that he died in an encounter with security forces, while the CPP alleges he was captured and killed extrajudicially by the AFP. The CPP subsequently honored Magbanua with the highest tribute and red salute.

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Who are you, what is your personal background, and when/why did you join the NPA?

I am Ka Juanito Magbanua, spokesperson of Apolinario Gatmaitan Command, the Regional Operational Command of the New People’s Army in Negros Island. I was in college when I was recruited to the Kabataang Makabayan (or Nationalist Youth – an underground youth mass organization) in 1983. As a KM member then, my task was to arouse, organize, and mobilize the youth, especially during that time when the anti-Marcos dictatorship movement was very strong. KM recruitment was also part of my task. Due to my commitment to my revolutionary tasks, I was recruited into the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) the same year. A few years later I became part of the Urban Partisan Unit. In 1994, I joined the New People’s Army (NPA).

How specifically were you recruited? What positions have you held as you climbed the ranks of your regional NPA group?

As a Party element, I was deployable to any field of work assigned by the Party. I started out as a squad leader in one of the units of the NPA in Negros. Later on, I would become commanding officer of the guerrilla fronts in South Central, North, and Southwest Negros. I was also assigned under the Regional Military Staff, particularly in charge of training and ordnance. In 2010, I became the spokesperson of the AGC-NPA Negros, a function I still perform up to this day.

Can you tell us about the history of Negros Island NPA?

The first attempt of the Party to establish guerrilla warfare on the island was a few months after the New People’s Army was founded in 1969. It did not flourish because the preliminary NPA squad mounted a premature military action even if the mass base was not yet prepared. Warlord Armin Gustilo of Cadiz City in the northern part of Negros immediately got wind of them and sent the Philippine Constabulary. The unit found themselves in a purely military situation until they were forced into battle in the mountains of Victorias City, Negros Occidental. Leading cadre Ka Apolinario “Boy” Gatmaitan was arrested and then killed during this incident.

It was in 1973 that the NPA was successfully organized in Negros Island when the national leadership of the CPP sent Comrade Pendong (Edmundo Legislador) to Negros. With the help of KM members, church people, peasants, and settlers in Southwest Negros (part of Negros Occidental), the peasant masses warmly embraced the NPA in their area. Farmers and settlers have long yearned for a defender of their land and livelihood as despotic landlords forcefully grabbed their land. Under those conditions, the NPA Negros was brought forth. Through the CPP’s guidance and absolute leadership, NPA Negros further expanded to Southeast Negros (part of Negros Oriental) in 1974. By 1984, the NPA Negros was comprised of company-sized guerrilla fronts in North, Central, and South Negros.

What is the NPA fighting for at the national level? What is your regional NPA network fighting for at the local level? What regional and local grievances do you have against the government, military, and police forces?

Imperialism, bureaucrat capitalism, and feudalism are the three basic problems that plague the Filipino people. The past regimes up to the current US-Marcos II regime have not implemented genuine agrarian reform and the building of basic industries. The economy remains backward and is heavily dependent, particularly on the US, in terms of foreign debt. This is the reason why the Philippines remains to be semi-colonial and semi-feudal in character.

Particularly in Negros, the aforementioned monocrop economy is the expression of such character. The oppressed masses comprise mainly of farmers and farm workers that rely on the sugar industry monopolized by big comprador-landlords. This results in the exploitation and oppression of the people as hunger, poverty, unemployment, low wages, and rampant violation of human rights are prevalent among the masses, which exacerbates the political and economic crisis favorable to a revolutionary situation.

There is no other answer to this widespread crisis brought about by the three basic problems but to wage a national democratic revolution with a socialist perspective. Primarily, the NPA wages armed struggle with the strategy of encircling the cities through the countryside and advances wave upon wave until the seizure of political power from the ruling class. This is the Party’s political line and its commitment to the Filipino people.

What are your thoughts on Marcos Jr being elected and are there historical parallels with his father’s reign?

Firstly, Marcos Jr won the election through a fraudulent election. He manipulated the results of the election through the Automated Counting Machine thus giving him a convincing win by a big margin. Just by cheating the elections, Marcos Jr is already following his father’s footsteps. And just like his father before him, he is sure to be servile to US imperialism.

Based on his first State of the Nation Address (SONA), he did not give importance to genuine land reform and national industrialization which are the key programs to advance the economy. He is not interested to tackle peace with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines in order to solve the root cause of the armed conflict. Instead, he relies heavily on militarizing the rural areas which results in the massive dislocation of peasant communities and widespread human rights violations.

Even in his first 100 days in office, it is highly criticized as extravagant and insensitive while the broad masses are feeling the brunt of the crisis brought about by the pandemic, inflation, and natural calamities alongside the AFP’s so-called ‘heightened operational tempo’. Marcos Jr has not laid out concrete plans to solve the crisis and is instead displaying opulence as he goes from one party to another.

How has the regional Negros Island situation changed since Marcos Jr took power?

As Marcos Jr continues to implement neoliberal policies dictated by the IMF-World Bank, there has been no significant change in the quality of life of Negrosanons. In fact, it has only turned to the worst as Marcos Jr has no concrete plans to arrest the oil price hikes which in turn increases the prices of basic commodities while workers’ wages remain depressed.

The neoliberalization of sugar has also worsened, especially as Negros is a monocrop economy relying heavily on the sugar industry. The regime has only resorted to cheap theatrics and blame games on which individual to scapegoat regarding an impending sugar importation. Unable to solve the sugar crisis, hoarding of sugar has worsened and stirred the economy downwards, devaluating further the real value of already depressed wages.

The government has vowed to ramp up the fight against communist insurgents throughout the country, what do you have to say about this?

Since the establishment of the New People’s Army (NPA) in 1969 with more than 60 guerilla fighters and inferior gunpower, the US-Marcos I dictatorship has long aimed to destroy the NPA while it is still small and weak. The NPA, through the absolute leadership of the Party, has been successful in thwarting such plans. Instead, it has been triumphant in expanding from Central Luzon to the Visayas and Mindanao. All other Operational Plan (OPlan) of succeeding regimes - from US-Aquino I, US-Ramos, US-Estrada, US-Arroyo, US-Aquino II, US-Duterte - have all failed. For more than 53 years, the current and past regimes have tried but failed to defeat the revolutionary movement.

What was once a small and weak people’s army has now become a big and strong force that is deeply rooted in the masses. The NPA is now operating in 110 guerilla fronts in 75 provinces out of the total 85 provinces in the Philippines. Based on the current disposition of revolutionary forces in the country, it has now become impossible for the current regime to defeat the armed revolutionary forces as it continues to enjoy the support of the broad masses. The government run by big landlords and compradors and their bureaucrat allies are not interested to address the roots of the problem, and as such the people will always be predisposed to take up arms and join the NPA.

More specifically, the government and military have stated their intention to target your particular regional network. National Security Adviser Secretary Hermogenes Esperon Jr said the remaining CPP-NPA-NDF in Negros Island would soon be defeated. Can you comment on this?

Negros, as a monocrop economy which relies heavily on the sugar industry, is home to despotic landlords who monopolizes vast tracts of land. Social unrest is evident on the island and it has earned the moniker of a “social volcano waiting to erupt”. This is why it is one of the national priorities in the regime’s counter-insurgency measures as it wants to protect the interests of the landed elites as they perpetuate feudalism and to oblige foreign interests.

Esperon is daydreaming in his bluff that the revolutionary armed forces in Negros could be annihilated as this plan is doomed to fail, just like all other oplans before it. For 53 years, the state’s narrative of an ‘NPA soon to be defeated’ has been consistently disproven. The armed struggle primarily waged by the people’s army is continually gaining the support of the Filipino masses as it aims to seize political power from the ruling class for the realization of the national democratic revolution with a socialist perspective. Despite their relentless attacks and propaganda, the NPA continues to enjoy the wholehearted support of the masses eager for genuine social change.

In addition, the AFP seems to be hunting you (Juanito Magbanua) personally and very aggressively. They have described you to the media as “evading” their raids. Why do they want to catch you so badly?

As the Regional Operational Command’s spokesperson, it is my task to articulate our stand regarding various pressing issues, counter the lies churned out by the reactionary regime, and update the masses on the people’s war. The reactionary clique wants to monopolize all media with their lies and sweet words. That’s why they are so desperate in hunting me, as deceivers will always be allergic to the truth. What they fail to see is that as long as oppression and exploitation exists, there will be more like me who will measure up to the task of raising the people’s consciousness and systematically expose this rotten system. There are more like me who will continue the path of armed revolution - no matter how arduous or long the path may be.

The public affairs chief of the 3rd Infantry Division, Army Captain Kim Apitong, called you a “terrorist” and said you are “on the run” and “frustrated” due to a loss of support from the local populations. Additionally, the 303rd Infantry Brigade Commander of the AFP claimed that the strength of the NPA group in Negros Occidental dropped 50% in July. What are your thoughts on these comments?

The reactionaries label revolutionaries as ‘terrorists’ in order to discredit the revolutionary ideals of the movement. The CPP-NPA-NDFP are revolutionary organizations waging a national democratic revolution with a socialist perspective. The real terrorists are the previous regimes and the current US-Marcos II regime. They are the ones who terrorize the people through their intensified military operations which result in widespread human rights violations in the form of killings, massacres, illegal arrests, filing of trumped-up charges, indiscriminate bombings, and harassment of civilians. It seems that they are the ones who are repeatedly frustrated.

If Captain Apitong claims that the strength of the NPA in Negros dropped by 50% in July, then why does the total strength of the combined force of the AFP/PNP reach up to 14 battalions? That’s two infantry brigades composed of five battalions of the Philippine Army, Division Reconnaissance Companies, Scout Ranger Companies, Special Action Force Battalion, Regional Mobile Force Battalion, PNP and the Civilian Armed Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU) with aerial and artillery support on standby. The deployment of such armed forces only proves that Negros has a strong revolutionary force capable of facing such.

What is the current battlefield situation like on Negros Island? According to news reports over the last few months, the NPA is portrayed as having lost ground across Negros. They say NPA hideouts have apparently been overrun, the local population is providing intelligence to authorities, and there have been a lot of clashes as well as surrenders. Are these reports accurate?

The NPA in Negros vigorously implements its three integral tasks - waging armed struggle, building its mass base, and waging agrarian revolution. There are setbacks where a few of our Red fighters were martyred due to the focused battalion-led military operations but this does not mean that the NPA in Negros has lost its capacity to wage armed struggle. Each NPA unit in Negros operationalizes guerrilla warfare by using the tactics of concentration, dispersal, and shifting. This means that the NPA has no fixed battle line. With the protracted people’s war still in the stage of the strategic defensive, the NPA mounts tactical offensives where the enemy is inferior to its force while steadily gaining strength to eventually wage regular mobile warfare.

Their bloodthirsty butchers may pay a few people or terrorize some in order to force information out of them but this does not mean that they have won the hearts of these people.

Regarding these so-called surrenderees, the AFP/PNP as well as the LGU have long made the Enhanced Comprehensive Local Integration Program (E-CLIP) as their milking cow. Implemented during the US-Duterte regime, the program is said to pay out P50,000 as livelihood assistance and P15,000 immediate assistance for every surrenderee. The majority of the so-called beneficiaries are farmers who were forced to surrender, and the award money was pocketed by the higher-ranking officials.

The Deputy Secretary of the Northern Negros Front, Isabella Necesario, was captured in July in Calatrava, Negros Occidental. She’s apparently the third-ranking leader, is that true? How does her capture affect the Northern Negros Front? Is there a capable replacement?

Arrests and death are natural consequences of war. The armed revolution is a just war waged by the people and led by the Communist Party against the unjust and bloodthirsty reactionary war of the neocolonial state. And it is precisely because it is just that the masses are drawn to support and participate in it. The revolution has continued for over 5 decades because it has a ceaseless flow of new blood, where Party cadres and Red fighters are tempered by struggle. There will always be a capable replacement because there will always be revolutionaries borne out of the worsening semi-colonial and semi-feudal crisis. The more the state tries to prevent the revolution, the more it will flourish.

The Philippine army claimed to have killed four leaders of the Central Negros Guerilla Front 2, in Binalbagan on July 6 in Negros Occidental. These are Roel Sagon (30 years old), Rowell Udtuhan (40 years old), Alden Rodgriguez (20 years old), and Nika Ledesma (25 years old). The army said that Lesema was the Squad 3 political leader, Sagon is the squad leader of Central Negros 2, and Utuhan is his assistant. What were their roles in the Front 2 and how did their deaths affect the group?

The Binalbagan 4 were massacred by the bloodthirsty mercenaries of this regime contrary to what they claim as a legitimate encounter in Sitio Amiles, Brgy. Santol Binalbagan. The four red fighters were recuperating from flu in a hut when elements of the 94th IB raided them on the dawn of July 6. At around 8:00 am that day, they were brought in nearby Sitio Kalunakon, massacred, and made to appear that they were killed in an encounter.

We strongly condemn this cowardly and merciless act of reactionary state forces. The four martyrs were hors de combat and were not in any capacity to fight. Clearly, their death was an overkill and a violation of the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect on Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) and Protocols of War.

We deeply mourn the passing of our comrades but we also know that as long as oppression and repression persists, more and more people like them will gladly take up arms and enlist in the people’s army.

What is the NPA’s structure across Negros? How are regional commands set up?

As the regional operational command, the Apolinario Gatmaitan Command leads the NPA in the island. There are five (5) guerilla fronts under it which are the Roselyn Jean Pelle Command (RJPC) - North Negros Front, Leonardo Panaligan Command (LPC) - Central Negros Front, Mt. Carsermon Command (MCC) - South Central Negros Front, Armando Sumayang Jr Command (ASJC) - Southwest Negros Front and Rachelle Mae Palang Command (RMPC) - Southeast Negros Front. Each guerilla front has a definite area of responsibility and mass base. NPA units are also complemented by the people’s militia, self-defense units, and barrio defense committees, supported by revolutionary mass organizations at various levels.

It is important to point out that the NPA in Negros is under the guidance and absolute leadership of the Negros Island Regional Party Committee.

How does a rebel force like yours fight much stronger Philippine military and police forces? What kind of guerilla warfare strategy and tactics make your regional network successful?

The NPA launches extensive and intensive guerilla warfare based on an ever-widening and deepening mass base. We launch tactical offensives that are sure to deliver big blows to the enemy. We employ guerilla tactics against a superior enemy like concentrating a bigger force to launch an ambush or raid, maintaining the element of surprise while executing swiftly, using ruse operations to confuse the enemy, among others. It employs the strategy of 1 versus 10 and tactics of 10 versus 1, where the NPA attacks vulnerable enemy units it is capable of defeating and seizing arms to bolster up its capabilities steadily. The NPA wages offensives that it can win, following the Maoist principle of ‘preserving the self while dismantling the enemy’.

What are the strengths of your armed guerilla resistance network?

The revolution is a mass movement, and the NPA draws its support from the Filipino people. The people cherish their genuine army. Wherever the NPA is, the masses are eager to give their logistical and security support. This is the basis of the political superiority of the NPA in stark contradiction to the isolated mercenaries, criminals, and bloodhounds of the AFP and PNP. This is something that no amount of bombs or high-tech technological advances cannot defeat: the revolutionary fervor of the people to break free from the chains of exploitation.

What are the greatest challenges you face on the battlefield and off?

The NPA suffered setbacks back in the 1980s along the lines of military adventurism and lost a significant part of its mass base due to this. However, during the Second Great Rectification Movement, these errors were criticized and corrected, and the CPP and NPA in Negros reaffirmed its principles guided by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (MLM). Eventually, the mass base was recovered and the NPA effectively covered the entirety of the island, leading to the establishment of the 5 guerilla fronts waging the protracted people’s war that has overcome the various challenges it faced from the previous puppet regimes up to the current one.

The Negros Revolutionary Portal (a regional media group linked to Negros NPA) recently said: “As New People’s Army (NPA) Regional Operational Command in Negros Island directed Red commanders and fighters to intensify its extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare based on a widening and deepening mass base' in response to the AFP heightened operational tempo’ guerrilla fronts in Central Negros mount offensives against elements of the Philippine Army and Philippine National Police (PNP).” Can you describe how your network has intensified the fight against AFP in response to this directive? And why was this command issued in the first place?

We issued such command as we reverberate the directive issued by the National Operational Command ‘to intensify its extensive and intensive guerilla warfare based on a widening and deepening mass base’ in response to the AFP/PNP heightened ‘operational tempo’. Each guerilla front must launch tactical offensives that are sure to claim victory such as raids and ambuscades while also mounting attritive actions such as sniping and harassment operations. This is part of advancing the level from strategic defensive to strategic stalemate. The “several blows to the body and occasional blows to the head” tactic refer to the correct ratio of attritive actions to disrupt enemy operations and annihilative actions to confiscate arms from the enemy.

Due to the armed struggle integrated with the tasks of agrarian revolution and mass base building, the people’s war has comprehensively faced the regime’s counterrevolutionary drive due to the NPA being deeply rooted among the masses.

You have accused the government and AFP of human rights abuses and atrocities. Can you explain this to the readers?

In their desperation to preserve their class interests, the ruling clique exploits the AFP/PNP and makes them their lapdogs whose task is to quell resistance among the ranks of peasants, workers, urban poor, petty bourgeoisie, and other oppressed and exploited classes. In order to protect the status quo, the vicious mercenaries result to doing such heartless and craven acts like extra-judicial killings, massacres, illegal arrests, filing trumped-up charges, threatening, and vilification. The AFP/PNP have a long history of committing various human rights abuses even against children and they are further emboldened as the culture of impunity permeates. One of their most recent attacks is the massacre of the Jacolbe family including a pregnant woman and a minor in Sitio Natuling, La Castellana, Negros Occidental last September.

Conversely, the Philippine army and national police accuse Negros Island NPA network of killing innocent civilians. How do you respond to this?

The revolutionary movement strictly adheres to revolutionary justice and follows International Humanitarian Law (IHL). Certain individuals who have wronged or endangered the masses and the revolutionary movement are tried in revolutionary courts. NPA fronts that carry out revolutionary punishments release timely statements issued to the public to explain the crimes committed by those involved. This is very far from the arbitrary killings perpetuated by the AFP/PNP who have claimed a lot of innocent lives in their ridiculous war on drugs and war against terror.

The government seems quite committed to undermining your group using the media. How important is the psychological warfare and media/propaganda aspect of your fight?

The reactionary government is determined to isolate the revolutionary movement, especially in the media. There are efforts to threaten media personalities and dictating to not carry our press statements to blocking our social media accounts. They’ll do anything at great lengths just to silence the revolutionary movement. But the propaganda based on truth is the most effective and is easily grasped by the masses. The people’s war is a war carried out on all fronts, including propaganda.

How does your group recruit and how successful have you been in your recruitment efforts? What segments of the population are you most successful in recruiting and why?

As a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country, the majority of the population belongs to the peasant and working class which are the most oppressed and exploited class. The countryside is home to 75% of the population - the peasant class - who are also the main force of the revolution. The countryside is also where the enemy force is weak that’s why the majority concentration of NPA recruitment is here. The people’s army is essentially a peasant army. In the first place, the national democratic revolution through armed struggle solves the essential problem of land among farmers which is why it is easy for them to support the revolution and join the people’s army. Due to the semi-colonial and semi-feudal character of the Philippines that is felt by the poor on a daily basis, the worsening crisis provides a favorable situation for recruitment among the vast majority of the Filipino people.

The workers, students, intellectuals, and other sectors based in the urban areas who wish to contribute to the armed struggle are also welcome. The oppressive and exploitative system itself is most effective in recruiting people to the armed revolution. The more the ruling class exploit and oppress, the more people see the justness of the people’s war.

Are your fighters mostly from your region or do you have fighters from outside of the island as well?

The revolutionary movement in Negros has a rich history of waging armed struggle. By actively waging revolution and armed struggle, it has produced a considerable number of Red commanders and fighters. The NOC deploys its forces depending on the particular circumstances of each region. The revolution is fought at a national level in which various regions mutually aid each other to advance the people’s war.

Do you ever receive inquiries from persons outside of the Philippines interested in joining the NPA? Do you receive solidarity and support, symbolic, material, or otherwise from foreign/international communist organizations?

The Communist Party of the Philippines, guided by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, adheres to proletarian internationalism as one of its fundamental principles. While it is open to foreign solidarity and support, the CPP-NPA mainly operates through self-reliance through being wholeheartedly supported by the Filipino people. The victory of the national democratic revolution and the subsequent socialist construction is the CPP’s main contribution to the international proletarian revolution.

What is your regional NPA network’s plan for the future in fighting against the Marcos Jr government?

The Filipino people anticipate that like his father, Marcos Jr will establish a despotic and corrupt regime that is pliant to the behest of its imperialist overlords. This will cause gross suffering on the broad masses of the people.

Recently, the Chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines called to heighten their “operational tempo” in order to end the insurgency problem of the country. This would translate into mobilizing bigger troops in combat operations, and bombing using howitzers, mortars, cannons, and fighter jets. This would only result in grave rights abuses and the destruction of properties and the environment.

There is no other course but to militantly confront and frustrate military operations through launching tactical offensives to win more firearms and other military equipment, strengthening the mass base, recruiting more red fighters, and leading anti-feudal struggles to alleviate the economic life and well-being of the masses.

The Red fighters have waged an insurgency for over 50 years, and there seems to be no end in sight for the conflict. How much longer will the war go on, and will you prevail in this struggle?

The armed struggle primarily waged by the NPA is by and for the people. It is under the guidance of the CPP which is why it has gained the broad support of the people. As long as the semi-colonial and semi-feudal system persists, the armed revolution of the masses will continue to intensify. No matter how grueling or long the path may be, the NPA, together with the masses and with the guidance of the CPP, is determined to wave the banner of revolution into victory.

Is there anything else you would like our readers to know about yourself and your group? Or any other comment you would like to add?

The Apolinario Gatmaitan Command, Regional Operational Command of the New People’s Army in Negros Island, expresses its gratitude to the Militant Wire for giving us a platform to air out our views regarding pressing issues. Through this interview, we are able to refute the desperate lies spewed by the current fascist regime in order to discredit the revolutionary movement and mislead the people. We also hope that readers of this article from other countries can understand the justness and correctness of the people’s war in order to break the shackles of oppression and exploitation.

Thank you for taking the time to answer our questions.

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The war in Ukraine has caused considerable damage to Ukrainian cities, villages, farmland, and countryside. Nuclear power plants lie in the path of airstrikes, artillery, and cruise missiles. The conflict itself has led to an impending global food crisis, as Ukrainian granaries have been both struck by Russian munitions and prevented from emptying their silos into foreign export markets. Little if any account has been established of the ongoing war’s effect on local flora and fauna in Ukraine and more broadly in Eastern Europe. Ecologically-minded Ukrainians and environmental activists in that country already shared the rest of the world’s anxieties about a warming planet and unpredictable changes to climate prior to Russia’s invasion on February 24th. For Ukrainian environmentalists, immediate concerns about the devastation and long-term impacts of war now accompany those felt by the rest of the world facing drought, rising temperatures, wildfires, flooding, etc.

In the following interview, Militant Wire gets a rare opportunity to speak with eco-anarchists organized under the Territorial Defense Forces (TDF) of Ukraine, who are armed and defending their country, while reviving the green anarchist movement in Eastern Europe.

In our last interview with the Ukrainian anarchist coordinating body, we spoke with a single representative of the Resistance Committee (“Ilya”). In this interview, questions were addressed to a group, answered in Ukrainian, and then translated by members of Eco Platform, before being sent back to Militant Wire for publication.

Tom Lord: Can you tell us a bit about yourselves (Eco Platform)? When was Eco Platform established, and for what purpose(s) initially?

Eco Platform: Everything began in Lviv in year 2015 in a collective of people worried about condition of environment in our region and animal rights defense, regardless of species. During almost 7 years we held hundreds of pickets, marches and other kinds of street action, volunteered in animal shelters, joined green zones in many towns, organized educational events on ecology and veganism, held eco activist camp in Carpathians four times, covered topics of veganism and ecology in our own media and many other things. We describe our motivation with the motto: "It's impossible to save the environment without rebuilding of society".

TL: What led you to call yourselves “Eco Platform,” and what exactly does the name mean?

EP: The vision that eco-anarchist movement should form a single front, unite and coordinate their actions through a common platform.

TL: Are all of you Ukrainian, or are some of you from Belarus and Russia? Are any of your fighters foreigners from outside of the former Soviet Socialist Republics?

EP: Currently, everyone is from Ukraine.

TL: Famously, the Green Armies or peasant armies of Ukraine who were not a part of the Black Army of Nestor Makhno fought against all government factions they encountered during the Russian Civil War of 1917-1922, White and Red. Do you see yourselves as an extension of these agrarian militias, or is there no relationship between contemporary eco militants in Ukraine and the peasant armies of the last century?

EP: We see connection with the context that was relatable for these movements 100 years ago. Same as they did in their time, we stand for Ukrainian people in the struggle against imperial occupants. But our position and principles are rather based on modern context, in which besides social injustice, the problems of ecocide, climate change, exploitative attitude towards other species and nature in general are acute.

TL: Was there a green anarchist subculture, or at the very least eco-activism during the Soviet period in Ukraine? What did this look like if it existed at all?

EP: From the end of the 80s until the start of 90s the phrase "eco activism" wasn't used. Eco movement started its active development after Chornobyl power plant disaster. The first ecological non-governmental and independent from government structures organization "Green World" (Zelenyi Svit) was founded. Approximately at that time, in 1988, first mass environmental protests against government-backed deforestation of Holosiivsky forest in Kyiv emerged. The protests were organised by dissident Myhailo Myhalok, who had already served time in jail at the time for anti soviet actions, and wasn't afraid to resist. Earlier, there were nature defence, sanctuaries, Red Book etc. It was mostly done by scientists, sometimes joined by amateurs and school pupils. In 1930s one in three nature defense activists was repressed by soviet government. It was usual thing for the state to exterminate everyone who posed the least threat for soviet system, so for many movements it was hard to develop. Speaking of anarchists, after the end of collaboration with Nestor Makhno, soviet government tried to create a negative picture of them on purpose and repress them.

TL: How did eco movements like yours develop or evolve after the fall of the Soviets?

EP: In the end of Soviet Union existence and in the 90s there were cells of Rainbow Keepers (Hraniteli Radugi) in Ukraine. Eco-anarchists and vegans became active in Ukraine in second half of 00s and in 10s. They mostly came from same environment as other anarchists, antifascist and feminist groups. There was a number of vegan and eco-anarchist organisations, initiatives and affinity groups, in some of which members of EcoPlatform took part before our organisation was founded.

TL: What were Ukrainian eco-activists' primary ecological and climatological concerns before the current war?

EP: When we speak about main challenges of eco movement, first of all we mean world scaled problems. These are climate change, deforestation and natural ecosystems degradation, horrendous scale of spoiling and annihilation of wild species, animal industry and its consequences etc. But in local Ukrainian context there's plenty of problems that are often seen in other parts of the world as well: fast city growth and huge construction projects ruining local ecosystems despite all forbidding laws and protests, mass deforestation, hunting and other things even on sanctuary territories.

TL: Did Ukrainian eco-activists have a significant role in the Maidan Uprising?

We can't recall eco movement being represented on Maidan. Some of eco-movement activists participated as a part other organisations or initiatives.

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TL: Are there other organized eco-militant groups in Ukraine aside from Eco Platform? What are they like, and how do you coordinate, if at all?

EP: Nowadays many nature defenders joined the armed forces. But we don't know about any separate groups, where and who is.

TL: Prior to February 24th, did you think the Russian military would invade? Did you prepare yourselves for such an invasion, or did you react after the fact?

EP: There was some probability of this turn if events, we observed gathering of enemy forces near state borders and knew that the invasion could begin at any moment. But the decision to join Territorial Defense Forces was made after these events.

TL: How did you all decide to join the war effort?

EP: Because full scaled war began at our country. Not all participants of Ecological Platform are at war now, part of us are busy volunteering. But everyone was ready to join Territorial Defense Forces as soon as we found out about this opportunity in first days of the war.

TL: Is Eco Platform a local movement in Ukraine, a national movement throughout Ukraine, or an international movement?  

EP: There are our activists in several towns of Ukraine, and we get news about actions from all around the country, so we can call it nation-wide movement. But we are open to international relations and would be happy if like-minded people from abroad would like to join us. Principles and goals of the movement aren't restricted by local context and, we believe, can be applied anywhere.

TL: Are the armed members of Eco Platform all serving in the Territorial Defense Forces, or are some of you enlisted in the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) as well?

EP: It depends. Not all of us are in the same unit. Officially, Territorial Defense Forces are part of Ukrainian Armed Forces, so law requires them to help regular army locally. But in the context of this war many Territorial Defense units were sent outside their regions, so there's almost no difference with regular serve. The fighters are mostly armed by the state, but defensive equipment, tech gear and many other stuff is often provided by volunteers.

TL: May we ask about how many people are members of Eco Platform?

EP: This information is not public.

TL: Are you recruiting or receiving new volunteers?

EP: Yes, we always encourage people to join our activities. Usually we suggest to take part in vegan and eco activities, and we do now as well. But we understand that in the context of full-scale war it's difficult to talk any other topics and many people delay their activism. Most of like-minded people, same as us ourselves, are either taking part in the war itself or volunteering. But it's also important to talk about war impact on the nature and other species, so if there's an opportunity, they should dedicate some time to this too.

TL: Is there a civilian counterpart to Eco Platform?

EP: Yes, part of our activists are volunteers.

TL: Before the war, did Eco Platform have any organized projects or initiatives? Do you maintain any non-combat-related initiatives now during wartime?

EP: We'd like to underscore the fact that russian military aggression on Ukrainian land has been ongoing since 2014. Yes, until February 24th we held weekly vegan food giveaway, annual street agitation, eco-camps, anti-construction measures, wildlife protection and educational activities, for example, started a course of [lectures] about veganism. But now we put these and other initiatives on hold.

TL: Does Eco Platform have any relationship with the civilian anarchist aid effort, Operation Solidarity?

EP: Today we are a part of civil initiative "Solidarity Collectives" that emerged from "Operation Solidarity". You can read about the reasons of renaming and reforming on social network pages of "Solidarity Collectives".

TL: Are you or any of your members participants of the anarchist/antiauthoritarian coordinating body, the Resistance Committee?

EP: No, we aren't participants, but we stand in solidarity with this initiative.

TL: Did any of you fight during the Donbas War, 2014-2015?

EP: No.

TL: Is there anything you would like to tell our readers about this war from the perspective of an eco-activist/eco-anarchist?

EP: Violent assault on civilians, occupation and destruction of towns, genocide - all of this strongly resembles the way humans behave with wildlife and other species. What Ukrainians feel now when seeing consequences of russian aggression in their hometowns, we were and are feeling towards nature destruction. We call everyone for active solidarity with all occupation victims. These are all forest, steppe, river and sea inhabitants, struggling even during times that are relatively peaceful for humans. We say "relatively", because sadly, inhuman victims of our lifestyle usually don't count. But from our point of view we feel clearly how it is, when your life is worth nothing. This is an experience that should push towards value reassessment.

TL: Is there anything you would like to say about war in general, from an eco-activist/anarchist perspective?

EP: The cause of wars is the urge to dominate and greed, which is contradictory to mindful living in natural environment. This human mentality began thousands of years ago, when patriarchal agricultural societies with private property and other hierarchical principles began spreading their influence upon neighboring territories, and later - upon most of the world. Now we are in the historical moment when Earth's resources begin to exhaust and most of biodiversity is extinct or on the verge of extinction because of aggressive human behaviour. The war has become permanent, even if we don't count human wars - the war is against the last bastions of wildlife. Without reassessing global values and changing global principles humanity is dooming for inevitable death even its own species.

TL: Do you see a connection between geopolitics, modern conflicts, and ecological/climate issues facing us today? What if any is the relationship, as you see it? Has this played a role in your decision to fight?

EP: One of key reasons for most of modern wars is struggle for access to fossil fuel. dependence on this resource is a reason for wars, as well as many ecological problems. Mostly, we observe war only sharpening problems already existing during "peace" due to nature exploitation.

TL: How is this war impacting the environment and the climate, from both your perspective and direct experience?

EP: In battle zones and under air raids air, water and soil are polluted by toxic substances and ammo shards and explosion induced fires. There's also an indirect negative influence - for example, accidents caused by attacks on production facilities with hazardous substances etc. We also observe suffering of imprisoned animals being massively abandoned at farms, in cages, in locked apartments, without any opportunities to flee from the war.

TL: The Russian invasion of Ukraine is, of course, a human tragedy, but just how destructive is the war for Ukraine’s environment and the broader region? What long-term impacts do you think it will have on the environment, and what impacts has it had already?

EP: It's what we've written [above]. It's hard to determine long term effects yet.

TL: Recently Eco Platform posted photos of a female and male fighter near the frontlines operating a DJI civilian drone for both reconnaissance and I believe artillery siting purposes. I understand that they are not members of Eco Platform, but they are “comrades”. Can you tell us anything else about them?

EP: We are unsure the people agree to be discussed. We were keeping in touch earlier, before the full-scale war.

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TL: We have also seen photos of your fighters manning defensive positions. How are they faring presently?

EP: Chill but alert.

TL: Eco Platform has an interesting logo, in my opinion. What is the significance of the bird? What kind of bird is it?

EP: We just found a picture that was suitable for us at the moment and have been keeping it without changes for several years. This logo was also used by other eco-anarchists in other countries.

TL: What do you think the war means for the international eco-anarchist movement, in general?

EP: This was means that it's time to abandon delusions about russia's actions, if you haven't already done that. Unfortunately, from our experience many anarchists still haven't realised the problem of russian government and fall for kremlin propaganda about the need to "denazificate" Ukraine. It's worth a reminder that the "prison of peoples" is in need of denazification itself.

TL: Thank you, very much, for agreeing to this interview. Is there anything else you would like our readers to know about Eco Platform, about the greater eco movement, or about anarchism in Eastern Europe during wartime?

EP: Unfortunately, eco-anarchist movement is still on early stages worldwide. But it's relevance only rises and we face a lot of challenges. So we need to show solidarity and unite with like-minded people.

P.S. its not a mistake, we write “russian” […] with a small letter :)

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The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) is engaged in a guerilla war that has been ongoing for over 50 years and is one of the world’s longest-running insurgencies. CPP says it is a revolutionary organization and its movement is waging an armed people’s resistance against a corrupt, tyrannical, capitalist government dominated by the “bourgeoisie” and backed by the imperialist USA. Conversely, the United States and European Union (EU) have designated the CPP and its armed wing, the New People’s Army (NPA), as terrorist organizations — a label the communists vehemently reject.

Due in part to its location in the Philippines, the CPP’s media apparatus functions as a kind of geopolitical weathervane in detecting and commenting upon broader regional and international developments, particularly in the context of US-China great power competition. In this interview, Militant Wire spoke to Marco Valbuena, the CPP’s chief spokesman, about the past, present, and future of the Red insurgency, international affairs, and more.

Can you tell us about yourself, your background, and what your role is with the CPP?

I am presently the Chief Information Officer of the CPP. I am tasked to issue statements and articles on behalf of the Party to promote, elaborate, and clarify the views of the CPP on the key issues facing the Filipino proletariat and people, as well as outstanding issues facing the oppressed people around the world. I work with the CPP Information Bureau. I correspond with media and other organizations through email and social media platforms.

Who are the CPP/NPA and what are you fighting for? What outcome do you hope to achieve?

The CPP or the Communist Party of the Philippines is the party and advanced detachment of the Filipino working class or proletariat. It was established on December 26, 1968. It is guided by the ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. It is the vanguard of the Philippine revolution. It organized the New People's Army (NPA) on March 29, 1969, to wage revolutionary armed struggle.

The CPP has tens upon thousands of members among the workers, peasants, and various segments of the petty-bourgeoisie and elements of the national bourgeoisie. The NPA does not disclose its numbers but has established around 110 guerrilla fronts in more than 70 of the 82 Philippine provinces.

The Philippine revolution is a people's democratic revolution. It aims to end the semicolonial and semifeudal system dominated by US imperialism. It seeks to overthrow the class rule of the comprador big bourgeoisie and big landlords. It plans to establish and lead a people's democratic government, in order to carry out land reform and national industrialization. The objective is to create a modern and progressive social and economic system that addresses the needs of the people and create the conditions for socialist revolution.

The armed communist resistance in the Philippines is one of the longest-running insurgencies in the world. Why is this, and what about the movement enables it to continue on after so many decades?

The NPA has persevered through more than five decades of revolutionary resistance primarily by relying on the support of the peasant masses. To win over the peasant masses, the NPA carries out a land reform, with the minimum objective of reducing land rent, eliminating usury, raising farm wages, and prices of peasant produce. The NPA assists the peasant masses in building their mass organizations which serve as the foundation for establishing basic units of the people's government.

The NPA also enjoys the support of and recruits fighters from workers and middle-class sectors through underground organizations in the cities.

As a smaller military force facing a large US-supported military and police force, the NPA wages guerrilla warfare in order to slowly gather strength and weaken its enemy. Having mainly local peasants serving as its fighters, the NPA has mastery of the physical and social terrain. It strikes only at the weak points of the enemy and avoids decisive battles. It has withstood 14 years of martial law under Marcos, a series of counterinsurgency campaigns over the past 36 years, including the all-out military offensives and aerial bombardment campaign in the past five years.

As a revolutionary organization that has been fighting since 1969, have you had to take a long view of your struggle or has the CPP/NPA always known it would be a protracted conflict? Do you see victory anytime in the near future?

Since the outset, the CPP/NPA knew that the armed resistance will be a protracted war. This is a necessary course because it started out weak and small and is confronted with a large enemy force that is funded, armed, and advised by the biggest military force in the world.

In addition, the Philippines is an archipelago of more than 7,000 islands and does not have borders with other countries. It does not receive foreign military support and has had to rely on painstaking political and military work to build up its strength.

We cannot predict precisely how soon the Philippine revolution will attain victory. But the economic and political crisis of the ruling system in the Philippines and the crisis of the global capitalist system generate exceedingly favorable conditions for the steady advance of the armed struggle and the people's democratic revolution.

How would you describe the ideology of the Communist Party of the Philippines?

The CPP is guided by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism or its components of dialectical and historical materialism, political economy, and scientific socialism. It is critically important for the Party to apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism on the concrete conditions of the Philippines. The CPP raises the ideological level of its members through formal educational courses at the basic, intermediate and advanced levels.

The CPP opposes modern revisionism in the old Soviet Union from 1956 until the dissolution of the communist party in 1990, as well as in China, since Deng Xiaoping took over in 1978. Modern revisionists distort Marxism-Leninism to disarm and disempower the proletariat, in order for the bourgeoisie to regain power and restore the capitalist system and all its rottenness.

What is the current battlefield situation and how is the CPP/NPA positioned?

Since 2017, the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Philippine National Police (PNP) have carried out all-out offensives against the NPA marked by a brutal campaign of suppression against the peasant masses to deny the NPA of political and material support, intensified intelligence operations (including the extensive use of drones with electronic surveillance equipment) and focused military operations of a few hundred to a thousand troops concentrating on one or several contiguous guerrilla fronts.

Of course, in war, there are bound to be losses. But so far, the NPA has avoided decisive battles and minimized its setbacks. The NPA continues to expand its territories or areas of operation to broaden and strengthen its ties with the peasant masses and force the enemy to disperse and overstretch its forces.

What are the greatest battlefield challenges faced by the CPP/NPA in the fight against the government?

Right now, I would say that among the greatest battlefield challenges faced by the CPP/NPA is overcoming the enemy's large-scale focused offensives, aerial bombing, and campaign of pacification and suppression against the peasant masses.

The NPA must constantly exercise a high degree of guerrilla military discipline to keep the enemy blind and render its surveillance equipment useless. For instance, NPA units cannot be encamped in one position for prolonged periods. They must always be concealed underneath forest canopies and cannot expose large formations in open fields to avoid detection by drones. They must master the art of cooking over fire without smoke or moving at night without light. They must be able to maintain undetectable supply lines. They must always check their equipment and supplies for possible infiltration of enemy global positioning devices. While avoiding defensive action, NPA units must be ever-ready to engage the enemy in battle and engage in active defense.

In a guerrilla front, NPA units must be able to launch coordinated tactical offensives at different points to disorganize the enemy and prevent it from mounting a concentrated offensive. This would entail organizing and dispatching small strike teams, militias, and partisan units.

At the same time, the NPA and leading Party committees must be able to arouse, organize and mobilize the masses by carrying out the struggle for land and fighting feudal, semifeudal, and all other forms of oppression. They must be able to respond to the clamor of the masses for justice against the fascist crimes perpetrated by state forces, in order to embolden them to press on with their fight.

How is the NPA able to deal with reported battlefield losses and surrenders?

Of course, the CPP/NPA know that losses and setbacks are par for the course of war. However, the Party and NPA are also aware that many of the reported losses or surrenders are baseless. The enemy claims of the surrender of more than 20,000 NPA members is ridiculous considering that a few years ago, it declared that the NPA has only 4,000 fighters or less. In fact, most of these "surrenderers" are unarmed civilians who were subjected to constant military pressure, harassment and threats.

The ideological and political consciousness of NPA fighters are strengthened through constant education and cultural work. They are steeled and determined to fight and sacrifice their lives for the people's cause. Fallen comrades are memorialized and given honors.

At the same time, NPA units must assess and learn lessons from their weaknesses. More often than not, losses are a result of failure in discipline or failure to follow basic military policies.

Is the NPA having success recruiting new members to join the armed resistance? If so, what attracts them to the cause?

There is a steady stream of NPA recruits coming from the peasant masses, especially the youth. Recruitment is especially strong in guerrilla zones where land reform and other antifeudal struggles are carried out by the peasant masses together with the NPA. In these areas, Red fighters are highly regarded as models by the youth, and many aspire to become Red fighters themselves so they can serve their community and help advance the overall revolutionary cause.

The masses who have seen or experienced the enemy's fascist brutality often are driven to join the NPA. They see that only by joining the NPA can they defend themselves, fight back and attain justice. Many mass activists who are being hounded by the enemy seek the safe haven of the guerrilla fronts of the NPA.

There is also steady recruitment of NPA fighters from workers and intellectuals in the cities, especially among those who have joined underground revolutionary organizations. Many join the NPA because they know that their social and national aspirations can only be attained through armed revolution.

The CPP/NPA is a national organizational network, but do you have foreign volunteer fighters from other countries in your ranks?

Yes, there have been non-Filipino nationals who wave joined the NPA. Even now, we continue to receive questions from overseas asking how they can become fighters in the armed struggle in the Philippines.

How do you view the new President Ferdinand Marcos Jr and the return to power of the Marcos family? What does this mean historically for those not aware of his father's tenure in power?

The rise to the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos Jr and the return of the Marcoses to power is a stark manifestation of the rottenness of the ruling political system in the Philippines. Marcos Jr used the vast amount of illegally acquired wealth of the Marcoses to collude with the Duterte ruling clique to rig the automated election system and give him a "landslide" victory, despite the fact that he literally was doing nothing during the past several years. His rise to power together with the Dutertes, in further alliance with the Arroyos and Estradas, marks the rise to power of the worse of the political dynasties in the Philippines.

It is like a sick twist of fate that Marcoses have returned to power just as the Filipino people are set to mark the 50th anniversary of the declaration of martial law in 1972 by Marcos' dictator father, his namesake, which started a 14-year reign of terror and plunder. Marcos Sr abolished the congress and shuttered all courts and established military rule. He cracked down against all opposition and resistance marked by the arrest of around 70,000, torture of more than 30,000, and the killing of more than 3,000 people. The Marcoses took over big business operations and plundered government funds and public loans. It is estimated that they accumulated more than $10 billion in wealth during their rule, most of which were stashed away in overseas banks, dummy corporations, jewels, paintings, and other items of luxury. Most of this wealth remain in their hands and used for their political rehabilitation. Over the past years, and especially during the recent elections, the Marcoses have actively pushed the narrative that the period under martial law were "golden years" for the Philippines in a gross distortion of history. The Marcoses will surely use their renewed power to further expand their wealth and their political dynasty.

On the other hand, the fateful return to political power of the Marcoses on the 50th anniversary of martial law has galvanized the patriotic, progressive, and democratic forces in the Philippines to campaign intensely to demand justice for all the victims of martial law and to fight the current Marcos regime and its anti-democratic and anti-national policies.

The administration said that it would not pursue peace talks with the CPP. How will this shape the NPA's actions?

The Marcos regime's refusal to pursue peace negotiations with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) gives the NPA all the more reason to carry forward the armed struggle. The other day, Marcos ordered his armed forces to "increase the tempo" of its counterinsurgency war which will only lead to more rampant military and police abuses against the people. Like all past regimes, Marcos does not intend to address the prevailing problem of landlessness and land grabbing. In fact, the problem is being exacerbated by the rush of foreign multinational corporations to expand mining operations and plantation for export crops resulting in widespread displacement of peasants from their land.

The New People's Army recently lost Ka Oris and Ka Bok, two veterans of the movement who each served the cause for over 50 years. How important were these two to the movement, and how detrimental has the loss of two irreplicable leaders been to the armed communist movement?

Ka Oris and Ka Bok were two of the key leaders of the Party and New People's Army. Their contributions to the growth of the Party and NPA are immeasurable. They trained at least two generations of cadres and fighters. Their deaths in the hands of the enemy are a great loss to the revolutionary movement.

It is to the advantage of the Party and the NPA that they exercise collective leadership where programs, policies, and decisions are arrived at through the collective work of individuals. Furthermore, there is a deep bench of younger cadres and commanders who are more than capable of taking the place of Ka Oris and Ka Bok. The death of great leaders is like the fall of giant trees in a forest: a hole is left in the canopy allowing sunlight to pass through, which in turn, nurture the growth of new trees.

How do the legacies of Ka Oris and Ka Bok live on? What did they teach the movement's youth and how did they influence the up-and-coming generation of CPP/NPA leaders?

Both Ka Oris and Ka Bok were outstanding guerrilla fighters of the NPA. For many years, they led the growth of NPA units from squads to companies, through guerrilla warfare and always teaching the NPA to be close to the masses. Up to their last breath, even in their advanced age, they worked with younger commanders of the NPA, joining them in conferences, pointing out their strengths, and helping them overcome their weaknesses.

We hope to produce more material about the life and deeds of Ka Oris and Ka Bok which can inspire and teach the younger and future generations of communists and Red fighters in the Philippines.

Can you explain the controversy surrounding Ka Oris's killing?

Military officers claimed that Ka Oris was killed in an aerial bombing and armed raid against an NPA camp on October 30. In truth, he was flagged down and abducted by soldiers the night before. Ka Oris and his medic (Ka Pika) were travelling together aboard motorcycles en route to a medical facility to seek treatment for his illness. The motorcycle drivers, who were local residents, have never been found. Despite public clamor, the military did not allow the bodies to be independently examined by a pathologist. Claiming "Covid-19 protocols," the cadavers were cremated without even informing their families, in what clearly was meant to burn evidence of their crime.

What is your view on anti-government jihadist groups in the Philippines such as the Islamic State East Asia Province and BIFF? Does the NPA ever clash with these groups?

Many of the so-called jihadist armed groups in the Philippines are, in fact, armed groups that are linked to the struggle of the minority Moro people in many parts of Mindanao. Most of these groups once belonged either to the Moro National Liberation Front or the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, which were once a revolutionary fighting organization that espoused the aspiration of the Moro people for national self-determination.

For many years, the revolutionary forces maintained formal and informal alliances with these Moro groups during the time that they were actively fighting for the Moro people's cause. In 1997, the MNLF surrendered to the Ramos government in exchange for paltry political accommodation. The MILF will go the same path from 2014. Its officials now head the local "bangsamoro authority," after agreeing to surrender their arms. In partnership with foreign corporations, their officials now partake of the exploitation and plunder of the resources of the Moro people. The land of the Moro people continues to be lorded over by the Philippine government's military and police force. The bombing of Marawi City in 2017 was a way of reminding the Moro people that they must continue to bow before the Philippine government. The minority Moro people continue to be oppressed; thus, many groups continue to arm themselves to defend their land, continuing their centuries resistance. Many of these groups are under local political leaders, but some also connive with the military.

In general, the NPA does not consider these groups antagonistic to the Filipino people's national democratic cause. The NPA gives due recognition to their authority in their area when conducting political work among the masses, even as it is alert to some groups that are in collusion with the AFP's counterinsurgency.

Does the CPP/NPA have any cooperative or simply positive relationships with international communist organizations or communist groups based in foreign countries?

The CPP and other revolutionary forces allied with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines maintain positive relations with other communist, revolutionary and anti-imperialist organizations and individuals in other countries. These relations range from formal links to regular correspondences.

The NPA is sometimes slandered as criminals rather than rebels fighting for an ideological cause. What do you say to this?

All over the world, for centuries, fighters for national and social liberation have been called bandits and criminals. In the Philippines, the armed revolution--from the period of Spanish colonialism to US colonialism and US neocolonialism--have been called various names from bandidos to insurectos. Of course, in recent years, the reactionaries have turned to using the term "terrorism" to slander the NPA.

Of course, to be maligned by the US imperialists and the reactionaries only means that the CPP and NPA remain doing the right thing, that is fight for the cause of the people, defending them against state terrorism and advance their aspiration for national and social liberation.

The NPA is criticized for its use of landmines, as it threatens civilians. Does the NPA use them and, if so, why?

The NPA uses command-detonated landmines. These are produced by hand from locally-sourced materials. The CPP and NPA maintains that these landmines do not fall under the definition of weapons banned under the Ottawa Treaty, as these do not explode by contact or proximity of a victim. These weapons are triggered only with a clear military target and are laid out only while awaiting for an ambush. These landmines are not left untended unlike the thousands left by the US in Cambodia, Laos and many other countries. I should also mention that the Canadian armed forces, also maintain that their C-19 landmine are not covered by the Ottawa Treaty as these are command-detonated.

The Communist Party of the Philippines is often critical of the Communist Party of China. People are often confused by this as both the CPP and CPC are self-proclaimed communists. What is the CPP's view of China? When and how did China stray from its true revolutionary communist origins?

Indeed, the Communist Party of China was once a revolutionary organization and was at the center of the international communist movement until the death of Mao Zedong in 1976. Since 1978, the CPC was taken over by modern revisionists led by Deng Xiaoping.

For more than a decade (until his death in 1992), Deng overturned all the achievements of the socialist system in China. Under the slogan of "market-oriented reforms" and "family responsibility," the CPC allowed the re-privatization of land and the dismantling of once productive communes, which forced the displacement of hundreds of millions of peasants and turning them into a vast ocean of cheap unemployed labor. Unions and revolutionary workers committees were dismantled as factories were placed under the authority of managers and bureaucrats, who would later turn state enterprises into private enterprises.

Under the CPC, a state monopoly bourgeoisie has emerged, the scale of whose wealth is almost unimaginable. They use state power to aggrandize wealth and power. They control state enterprises as well as big private firms.

In the late 1960s and until his death, Mao Zedong himself warned against the rise of modern revisionists or the bourgeoisie within the communist party, as he observed the phenomenon in the Soviet Union since the death of Stalin, and within the CPC even under his leadership. He fought hard against those officials of the CPC who put "technological progress" ahead of socialist progress, and who regarded the importance of "experts" above the importance of the masses. This was the essence of the tumultuous times during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, when Mao called on the Chinese people to fight against the bourgeoisie inside the communist party.

The CPP has accused China of infringing on the Philippines' maritime territory. How are they doing this, and what for?

Since the 2010s, especially since 2017, China has built at least 7 military facilities within the territorial waters of the Philippines as recognized under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Seas. They used industrial machinery to scoop sand to reclaim land and create large artificial islands in the middle of the ocean, which they have turned into military bases some of which are equipped with runways and ports. These facilities are used to preposition warships, amphibious vehicles, jet fighters and helicopters.

The clear aim of China is to dominate the West Philippine Sea (also the South China Sea) in order to prevent its imperialist rivals (specifically the US) from using the sea lanes as economic and military pressure points. However, in doing so, China is infringing on the Philippines’ sovereign seas.

Likewise, the CPP is rhetorically hostile toward the United States. What are your grievances with the US?

I think "grievances with the US" is an understatement. US imperialist domination, oppression, and exploitation of the Philippines---first as a colony from 1898 to 1946, and as a semicolony or neocolony since---is one of the fundamental causes of the country's state of backwardness and state of hardships and poverty of the vast majority of the Filipino people.

Do you have separate grievances with various US entities -- for example, one grievance with American multinational corporations, and an unrelated grievance with the US military -- or do you consider it all a part of the same issue?

The US imperialists maintain their dominance in the Philippines through control of economic resources, political and military intervention, and cultural domination. The Philippine government is a client-state or a neocolonial state that is under the control of the US government maintained through its control of the military, through IMF-WB's control of key economic agencies and business organizations, and through its agents among the Philippine ruling elite. Since the turn of the 20th century, the US has shaped and condemned the country's economy as a supplier of cheap raw materials, both agricultural crops such as bananas and pineapple, as well as timber and minerals, and from the 1950s and 1960s, as a source of cheap labor for assembly-type manufacturing. To perpetuate this pattern of "development," the US imperialists connived with the local big landlord class in preventing genuine land reform and prevented local industries to develop. Thus, the country remains largely backward, agrarian, and non-industrial. It cannot even produce needles, and all machinery for food manufacturing and other consumer products are imported. Like other countries that form part of the "global value chain" of multinational corporations, the Philippines hosts "economic zones" where the labor-intensive parts of manufacturing of semiconductors or vehicle parts are carried out, but which are completely disconnected from the local economy.

Do you have a perspective on the US military's participation in counterguerrilla operations undertaken by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP)? What do US forces lend to these operations from your perspective, and how, if it all, has US participation altered the CPP/NPA's overall struggle?

Counterguerrilla operations of the AFP have always been directed by the US military. Officers of the AFP are trained and indoctrinated in US counterinsurgency dogma, which gives premium to projecting and maintaining military superiority. This is superficially dressed with "development projects" that do not actually address the fundamental socioeconomic problems of the people which drive them to wage armed resistance.

On US instigation, the AFP started to employ aerial bombing, aerial strafing, and artillery shelling as part of its counterguerrilla arsenal, despite the fact that these have been proven to be largely ineffective in Vietnam, as well as in the Philippines. These weapons are employed mainly to cause terror among the people and make them bow before the military's superior might.

US forces are often seen in counterguerrilla operations in Western Mindanao, where they are based, although the US does not deny providing the AFP with assistance in conducting aerial surveillance and other critical auxiliary functions. There have been sightings in the past of American soldiers in tactical command posts of the AFP in anti-NPA operations. American drones have been sighted flying over guerrilla zones. The US military has kept a low-profile in counterguerrilla operations against the NPA knowing that this would spark widespread condemnation.

Previous CPP/NPA statements have condemned the status of forces agreements between the US military and the AFP as being "unequal" between the two state partners. Would you care to say more about this relationship?

An "agreement" can never be equal between a master and puppet. These agreements include the Mutual Defense Treaty of 1951, the Visiting Forces Agreement of 1998 (which superseded the previous status of forces agreement) and the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) of 2015 all give the US military extraterritorial rights in the Philippines, and special legal status. For more than 70 years, the MDT has served as a framework for keeping the country bound to US geopolitical policies, under which the Philippines has been compelled to participate in US wars in Korea and Vietnam. From 1946 to 1991, the US maintained large military bases covering around 65,000 hectares. These served as launching pads for US wars as far as Iran and Afghanistan. Today, the US wants to use the Philippines as a platform to keep economic and military pressure against China.

Provisions of the VFA has allowed US forces to freely enter the country and enjoy special privileges. Abusive American soldiers, including those involved in killings, have escaped prosecution and punishment. An American soldier, Joseph Scott Pemberton, who was convicted in local courts for killing a transgender woman, did not serve a moment of his punishment in a local jail, but was kept in a US facility inside a military camp. Under the EDCA, the US has been allowed to construct and maintain exclusive facilities within military camps of the AFP which the AFP commander cannot enter or inspect. The US uses these facilities to keep their weapons or serve as rest and recreation facilities for its soldiers.

What is the CPP's position on the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the causes of the war? Do you see it as a US vs Russia proxy war?

More and more, the war in Ukraine is clearly a US proxy war against Russia. For close to two decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US has wantonly violated the original Minsk Agreement of 1991 in which the US and NATO promised not to extend its alliance to countries that were formerly part of the Warsaw Pact. It started with the war in Yugoslavia, in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, and so on, one by one, forcing these countries into the NATO, until reaching Ukraine. The US has established military bases and missile facilities along the border of Russia. US political and military intervention in Ukraine has been relentless since the mid-2000s, fomenting an anti-Russia coup and arming and training Nazi-type organizations to mount a brutal war against the Russian-speaking Donbass region, which has killed more than 14,000 people over the course of the past seven years or so.

The Russian military assault in Ukraine, thus, can be categorized as a counter-aggression against US and NATO aggression. Russia has declared it has no intention of occupying Ukraine, only to drive back the US-supported Ukrainian forces that are surrounding the Donbass region, in line with the 2015 Minsk agreement granting the Donbass a special autonomous status. It is to Russia's interest for it to quickly end the war through peace negotiations instead of being forced to engage in a protracted war in Ukraine. However, continuing and heightening US and NATO military support for Ukraine is prolonging the war and preventing peace negotiations.

Speaking of Ukraine, a recent NPA statement denounced the US State Department's re-inclusion of the CPP/NPA on their Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) list, and states, "While the US labels revolutionary organizations such as the CPP/NPA as `terrorists,' it does not apply the same label to fascist groups such as the notorious Azov Battalion in Ukraine, which the US, in fact, helps arm and train." Would you care to say anything more about whom the US designates as terrorists versus those non-state groups and/or government paramilitaries that it chooses to train and equip?

The US maintains its list of "foreign terrorist organizations" as a tool for global intervention, to justify the wars it is waging overseas. This US decides unilaterally on who or what organization to include in this list, targeting primarily the anti-imperialist forces. Among the groups or individuals in the US FTO formerly worked with the US in its wars of intervention in the Middle East and Afghanistan. The US has a long history of arming paramilitaries in different countries to do the bidding for US companies. In the same way that the Free Syria movement in northern Syria was armed in recent years, the US also armed the Contras in Nicaragua in the 1980s to subvert the Sandinista regime. Since Obama, the US has also mounted a widespread drone war to fire at its targets in Pakistan and Afghanistan, causing thousands of civilian deaths in the course of it assassination operations.

Your same statement concerning CPP/NPA status on the FTO called on US citizens to "demand the revocation of the so-called FTO list which is being used as an instrument of intervention in the Philippines and across the world." Why should the CPP/NPA be taken off the FTO list and why should the American people make efforts to have the groups removed?

Not only should the CPP and NPA be taken off the US FTO list, but the FTO list of the US itself should be scrapped.

As any student of international law understands, there is actually no universally accepted definition of terrorism, even at the level of the United Nations. Following 9/11, the United Nations Security Council was not bogged down by the absence of such a definition when it bowed to US dictates to mount a global war against "terrorism"

The US FTO list, thus, is a unilateral instrument that is being used by the US for its wars of intervention. These wars do not enjoy the support of the American working class and people. They are aware of how these wars of intervention have been fought not for the best interest of the American people, but for the interest of the military-industrial complex and American multinational corporations who wish to get a bigger slice of the global economic pie.

The term "terrorism" has been maliciously used by the US to taint the reputation of the CPP and NPA, which are revolutionary organizations that are advancing the people's cause for national and social liberation.

What is the CPP's position on the rising tensions in the South China Sea and, more particularly, over Taiwan in the context of US-China competition?

The CPP has denounced US provocations against China which is pushing the world closer to the brink of war. The recent visit by US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi upended the Shanghai Communique of 1972 which the US signed with China and pledged to recognize only one China and left the matter of Taiwan's status to the decision of the Chinese people on both sides of the Taiwan straits. Before Pelosi's visit, the US defense secretary, together with the war hawks of the Atlantic Council (who are also the people behind Facebook's "community guidelines"), outrightly called for an end to the One China policy.

These provocations are the most recent moves since Obama's "pivot to Asia" which is largely targeted against China. This pivot also includes economic and trade sanctions, heightened military presence in the South China Sea, in the Philippine Sea, and the seas west of Taiwan, as well as the revival of the Quad, and the recent declaration of the NATO that China is a strategic threat.

At the same time, the CPP denounced China's militarism in resolving the question of Taiwan's autonomy or reunification with China.

How does the intensifying US-China great power competition impact the Philippines and its people given the country's important geographical position?

Any intensification of US-China conflict will have a big impact on the Philippines. Both China and the US have been pushing to fortify their position in the Philippines in order to either neutralize the country or use it as a springboard for their power projection.

The spinelessness of the Marcos regime in the face of the giants will bring harm the country and the Filipino people. Instead of asserting the country's sovereignty in the face of rising military conflict, the Marcos regime is merely allowing both the US and China to use the country for their military objectives. Marcos, however, is showing more servility to the US.

The Filipino people must be ready to unite to wage a national war to defend the country in the event that either imperialist power resorts to some form of invasion against the Philippines.

What is the future of the CPP/NPA in the Philippines?

The conditions in the Philippines remain exceedingly excellent for advancing the revolutionary cause. The chronic crisis of the ruling system persists and is set to worsen in the coming years amid the downward trajectory of the international capitalist system. The rise of Marcos to power further exposes the rottenness of the ruling system and makes more and more people acutely aware of the necessity of waging revolution.

The CPP, through the NPA and its tens of thousands of cadres, is in a position to lead the Filipino people in intensifying their resistance through armed and unarmed forms of struggle.

The Party sees the steady growth and expansion of the NPA in the coming years. It seeks to bring the people's war to the next phase of growth. At the same time, the Party also sees that the growth of the armed resistance will combine with the surging forward of the mass struggles of workers and other democratic sectors in the cities.

The Party has a clear strategy for winning the people's democratic revolution. The Party and its forces are in a position to bring the revolutionary movement closer to victory.

Is there anything else you would like to add or say to our readers?

Thank you for giving us the opportunity to share our experiences and express our opinions on important issues confronting the Filipino people and people across the world.

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The recent killing of al-Qaeda chief Aymen al-Zawahiri has raised many questions from analysts, researchers, and journalists about who the next leader of the organization might be. Over the years, many names have been mentioned, numerous analyses have been made on the status and dangerousness of al-Qaeda, and now, attempts are being made to understand what the group’s future will hold. This interview is intended to provide some answers through perspectives provided by Saleh al-Hamwi, a former founding leader of al-Nusra Front, a connoisseur of jihadist dynamics, who is now a political researcher specializing in radical groups. 

Before we start, as mentioned you are a founding leader of the al-Nusra Front in Syria, what happened?

I left Jabhat al-Nusra in 2014 and since then I have written against it after its deviation and the start of its fight against the Free Army factions. Because of my writings against it, I became wanted by them for arrest and they circulated my name at their checkpoints and formed a special team to pursue me as they formed a special technical team to hack my accounts on social media.

How do al-Qaeda supporters view the fact that al-Zawahiri was killed in Kabul while he was protected by the Taliban? 

No, al-Qaeda supporters know that the Taliban has not changed towards al-Qaeda in terms of its support and protection, but at the same time, it will not allow it to launch operations against America from the lands of Afghanistan. Then the Taliban has several wings, a wing that rejects al-Qaeda at all, and a wing that says only to protect it from religious and moral duty, it is a very small group. They are supported by the Haqqani Network.

Could Saif al-Adl be the new leader of al-Qaeda? How do al-Qaeda supporters view the fact that Saif al-Adl has been in Iran for 20 years? 

Saif al-Adl cannot leave if he is under house arrest in Iran. The terms of the deal between the al-Qaeda branch in Yemen and Iran were that the Iranian diplomat is released in exchange for the release of al-Qaeda leaders in Iran.

Iran agreed, but it stipulated that Saif al-Adl and Abu Muhammad al-Masri remain on their lands and are prevented from leaving. Therefore, al-Qaeda supporters in Syria excuse Saif al-Adl because he is coerced and does not have the freedom to move outside Iran.

Of course, they see him as the most appropriate leader of al-Qaeda after al-Zawahiri, and they regard him with respect, especially al-Zawahiri assigned to him with the Syria file.

Who among the affiliates might not swear allegiance to Saif al-Adl?

No affiliate does not pledge allegiance to Saif al-Adl, but the obstacle will be Iran. I do not think the al-Qaeda Shura Council will accept swearing allegiance to Saif al-Adl as long as he is under house arrest.

What are the chances of Abu Abd al-Rahman al-Maghrebi and Abu Abd Karim al-Masri becoming leaders of al-Qaeda? Are there other potential names? Like the leaders of AQAP, al-Shabaab, or AQIM?

The leaders of the Islamic Maghreb have no chance at all because of the geographical distance on the one hand and their lack of a long jihadist history on the other hand. Abu Abdel Karim al-Masri is old and sick and is in a place that cannot carry out the tasks of al-Qaeda, so he is excluded.

As for the leaders of the Arabian Peninsula, after the killing of Nasser Al-Wuhayshi, there is no longer a person who possesses the charisma of leadership, so there is no candidate for them.

How can al-Qaeda operate now in the absence of al-Zawahiri? Will the next al-Qaeda leader lead the organization to be able to bring about substantial change? 

I said since 2014 al-Qaeda has ended, and its presence is only symbolic and no longer attracts Muslim youth, and has not succeeded in any action against American and Israeli interests (this is its combative creed). ISIS also destroyed 85 percent of its branches and al-Zawahiri with his historical symbolism did not succeed in gathering the diaspora of al-Qaeda and advancing it, so how with the new leader? It certainly won't make any difference to it.

What could happen in Syria? Do you think some independent jihadist groups might pledge allegiance to al-Qaeda with a new leader? 

There will be no change in Syria, neither negative nor positive, the Hurras al-Din group will remain as it is, chased by HTS (Hayat Tahrir al-Sham), weak and does not have any financial resources, and not have the ability to work against the regime, its presence is only symbolic until al-Qaeda says we have a branch in the Levant.

Do you think that with a new leader like Saif al-Adl, who was in charge of the Syrian branch, Hurras al-Din can be reborn?

Hurras-Al-Din is very weak and is being pursued by HTS, and its crisis is not a leadership crisis, but rather a crisis of material capabilities and an arena to operate freely, so no new leader can advance it.

How do you think the situations of groups like Ansar al-Islam, Ansar al-Tawhid, and other groups close to al-Qaeda could evolve?

Ansar al-Islam and Ansar al-Tawhid did not swear allegiance to al-Qaeda because they were not convinced of it, but they maintain advocacy and cooperation relations with its branch in Syria.

If they were on a methodological and ideological accord with al-Qaeda, they would have joined Hurras Al-Din since its formation.

Is there any Islamist group in Syria or other areas that may decide to join al-Qaeda with new leadership?

As for the rest of the Islamic groups, they do not have contact with al-Qaeda, and they differ from it ideologically.

Do you think that with a new leader, al-Qaeda could resume its stronger and more centralized military activity? Could its strategy change?

No, the central base does not have any strength or capabilities and it relies on local branches now all branches are pursued and weak. The only branch that has capabilities is the Mujahideen Youth Movement in Somalia. Of course, its work is limited to Somalia only.

I do not know why the West does not want to be convinced that al-Qaeda has ended. Communication exists and is only symbolic. Each local Islamic group has its own Shura Council, its decisions are independent, and its connection to the leadership of al-Qaeda is only symbolic. Of course, we are talking about the local al-Qaeda branches.

What do you think the future relationship between HTS and al-Qaeda might be, and will the clashes between AQ and IS continue?

The clashes between al-Qaeda and ISIS will continue and will not end. As for HTS and al-Qaeda, there has been a final separation between them and there is no return to relations. Al-Qaeda believes that HTS has deviated from the legitimate path and betrayed it.

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The second largest island in the world, after Greenland, sits in the southwestern Pacific Ocean. It is a place that has unique geography; it contains several different ecosystems, from glacial and alpine tundra to wetlands and savannas. Some of the (bountiful) flora and fauna found there are unique to it; it also has some of the most beautiful diving spots in the world. The indigenous people living on the island have also had a unique history over tens of thousands of years; it is very diverse culturally, ethnically, and socially.

A (nearly) straight border (approximately Longitude: 141 Degrees East on the image above) divides the island into two halves: on the right, is Papua New Guinea, while on the left, are the Indonesian Papuan provinces (also known as West Papua). On the western side of this border, Indonesia took control of West Papua through occupation and a controversial annexation, in the 1960s. Indonesia has always taken a security-based approach to West Papua. According to some perspectives, Indonesia has perpetrated genocide and crimes against humanity in West Papua. This, and the occupation, has sparked a decades-long insurgency, that is escalating today. There is a high degree of racism in Indonesia towards Papuans; just recently, Megawati Sukarnoputri, one of the most powerful people in Indonesia, said that she wants Papuans to be like “milk coffee” – in reference to West Papuans’ skin color: they are Melanesian and darker than milk coffee. There are many West Papuan groups that oppose Indonesia’s rule; however, the only current armed non-state actor fighting Indonesian rule is the West Papua National Liberation Army (WPNLA, or the Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Papua Barat – TPNPB). The WPNLA wants independence from Indonesia.

Militant Wire published a profile of the WPNLA in February this year. Today, we present an interview with the official spokesperson of the WPNLA, Sebby Sambom. Sebby is from the Yali tribe, one of the hundreds of tribes in West Papua. Sebby has been a Papuan independence activist for decades. He was arrested by Indonesian forces at least six times between 2004-2013. He is a human rights activist too and was arrested for organizing peaceful protests in West Papua. He says he was tortured in Indonesian custody, and his family received death threats. Sebby is educated and has taught WPNLA fighters and Papuan independence activists how to use computers and the internet. He also taught them political theory. He says that this is one of the reasons that he has always been targeted by the Indonesian government.

Sebby said that the WPNLA was born on March 26, 1973, but was reformed on May 5, 2012, to its current iteration. It is made up of a younger generation of West Papuans, who fight for Papuan independence from Indonesia. In 2012, the WPNLA established central and regional military commands and streamlined the organization so that it was no longer a disparate group of fighters, but rather, an army. General Goliath Tabuni is the High Commander of the TPNPB, and Major General Terranius Sotto is the General Chief of Staff. Major General Lekagak Telenggen is the Central Headquarters Operations Commander.

U: Why are you fighting, and what are the ultimate goals of your fight against the Indonesian government?

SS: We are fighting because it is our political right to be independent. This is according to the United Nations charter and international law. This has been usurped by the colonial government of the Republic of Indonesia, with support from the United States of America (USA) and the United Nations (UN). The goal of our struggle is very clear: namely to establish our own country and be sovereign, as are other nations on Earth. And we have the right to be independent and live in peace on our ancestral lands. And we understand very well that the political right of self-determination is a human right. So, that is what we are fighting for.  

U: For our readers who do not know the situation in West Papua, can you tell us a little about how your conflict with the Indonesian government began? What is the conflict about today?

SS: The conflict has started since the Indonesian military invasion on the ancestral lands of the Papuan people, on May 1, 1963. The Indonesian military invasion was carried out with support from the USA and UN. The UN and the Netherlands (which had colonized West Papua before Indonesia) sold us Papuan natives to Indonesia like animals at that time. That's why, we, the young generation of Papuans, rose up and fought back. For more details, you can study the history of Papua with other articles. And you need to know that USA supported Indonesia at that time because America was interested in the gold mine on Mount Grasberg, in Tembagapura, Papua. The USA and Indonesia are still stealing our natural wealth until today. And today's conflict is led by the young generation of the Papuan Nation, and our demands are the same, namely demanding the political rights of the Papuan Nation to be independent and sovereign. And we will increase armed resistance in the years to come until our demands are met.

U: Where are your fighters based in West Papua? How many fighters does the WPNLA have?

SS: The WPNLA has 34 Defense Regional Commands throughout the lands of Papua, and each Defense Regional Command has 2,500 personnel who are permanent members of the WPNLA. The WPNLA has 85,000 permanent members and WPNLA also has non-permanent members, namely all indigenous Papuans who are ready to fight against the occupation of terrorist forces. They will fight if the WPNLA declares a TOTAL Revolutionary War for Independence. The terrorist forces are the Indonesian military and police. So, we are ready to carry out a TOTAL Revolution at any time if our war logistics are ready. The military bases of the West Papua National Liberation Army are all located in the jungle forests throughout the lands of Papua.

U: What are the challenges facing TPNPB fighters on the ground? What do fighters need?

SS: The challenge faced by the WPNLA Troops in the field is the lack of military logistics and equipment, namely weapons and ammunition. So, we only rely on guerrilla warfare using limited weapons. WPNLA fighters need weapons and ammunition, and communication tools such as satellite phones, WiFi systems, and others.

U: How is the TPNPB’s strength against Indonesian security forces?

SS: Even though Indonesia has trained troops and has weapons, WPNLA leaders and troops are ready to fight always. Our principle is that we are the owners of the country. And Indonesian terrorist forces, namely the military and police, are thieves or robbers who come to our customary lands. They thieve and rob all our resources while killing the owners of the lands. Thus, we WPNLA troops are responsible for saving the West Papuan people and the West Papuan country. So, we stand and fight against the oppressor colonial government of the Republic of Indonesia, which is arrogant and brutal. And we believe that the terrorist forces, namely the Indonesian military and police, have no legal basis for war against the Truth Forces, the WPNLA. We also believe that the Spirit of God, the Spirit of Nature, and the Ancestral Spirits of the Papuan nation will protect and give strength to the people of Papua. WPNLA troops will continue to exist and kill the terrorist troops at any time.

U: Does the TPNPB-OPM have a political counterpart?

SS: Yes, all political organizations that are fighting for an independent Papua are one unit, with only one goal: a fully independent Papua from the illegal occupation of the colonial government of the Republic of Indonesia on Papuans lands. The peace struggle by young fighters in the city is an affiliated unit, for example, the West Papua National Committee (KNPB), the Papuan Student Alliance (AMP). More specifically, the WPNLA has a political partner with the New Guinea RAAD Political Agency (NGR). The New Guinea RAAD is the official political body of the Papuan Nation, which was formed on April 5, 1961, before the Indonesian military invasion in West Papua. This body announced the embryo of the state of West Papua by the indigenous Papuans together with the government of the Netherlands on December 1, 1961. So, we can sue Indonesia at any time. Because although politically and administratively West Papua has been integrated into Indonesia, the legal status of West Papua has not been integrated into Indonesia. So, we have the right to sue Indonesia at the International Court of Justice (ICJ). We believe that if we fight, we will surely win. And that is our steadfast faith, according to our principles in the struggle.

U: What is the present state of the conflict? Is violence on either side common?

SS: Yes, Papua is one of the areas that have been in conflict for the last 59 years due to the illegal occupation by the colonial government of the Republic of Indonesia. And this armed conflict happens every day, every week, and every month in every year. But Indonesia prohibits journalists from international media organizations, so the issue of armed conflict is hidden. This is because Indonesia does not want the outside world to know about the conflict. And violence is natural because Papua is a conflict area and indigenous Papuans are still fighting for their right to self-determination. And in the struggle, there must be conflict, and this is normal because all nations that have fought for independence have done the same thing; India was also against the British occupation, we understand history clearly. Also, South Africa, and Timor Leste, Bougainville, and Aceh once.

U: Indonesia just approved the creation of three new provinces in Papua. The WPNLA has threatened the Indonesian government and Papuans who support this. Why did the WPNLA make threats over this?

SS: Yes, we had issued a strong warning to all indigenous Papuans who support the New Autonomous Region throughout Papua, because we see that the new provinces have elements of dirty politics by Jakarta. Jakarta has evil intentions against the Indigenous Papuans through the expansion of new provinces in Papua, and it will send Indonesian immigrants on a massive scale to West Papua. And this endangers the existence of the Indigenous Papuans on our own customary lands, and we know that Indonesia has an evil plan to seize our customary lands. Therefore, we are firm and will continue to oppose the Indonesian occupation of our ancestral lands. And we stand on defending our lands and save our people. It is our duty.

Interviewer’s note: Over the decades, Indonesia had a policy of “transmigrasi” – a policy to send mainly ethnic Javanese, Muslim, Indonesians to the Papuan provinces. This led to a dilution of the ethnic Melanesian, Christian, identity of West Papua.

U: The Indonesian government (in 2001, and 2021), granted Papua and West Papua special autonomy. What have the problems been with this?

SS: The special autonomy by Indonesia is not the desire of the Papuan people; it is just like a parent giving a candy to a child when they cry. This means that special autonomy in the style of Indonesia is very funny and embarrassing. Why? Because we never made an agreement with Indonesia for the Special Autonomy of Papua in 2001, because we also never signed an agreement to implement special autonomy in Papua. It was forced by the Indonesian government in Jakarta, and we WPNLA never recognized the Special Autonomy. So, we are still fighting for a fully independent Papua from the illegal occupation by the colonial government of the Republic of Indonesia.

U: There are arguments that West Papua should be a part of Indonesia because it should not become like Papua New Guinea, where there is lots of violence. Indonesians say that it is better for West Papua to be a part of Indonesia because it will add stability. What do you say to this?

SS: This is the language of the capitalists and colonialists’ that shows their character. We can’t neither admit to nor believe the sweet words of the colonial government of the Republic of Indonesia as you convey in this question.  Since 1963, we Papuans have never believed in any tricks by the colonial government of the Republic of Indonesia. And Papua New Guinea are our brothers and sisters, we are one land and one island and one ancestor: that we believe for generations. Indonesia is evil, and Indonesia must not despise our people in Papua New Guinea because we are all one soul and one nation. Our motto is "ONE PEOPLE-ONE SOUL". Ethnic conflict in Papua New Guinea is normal, because in every community there can be internal conflict. But we and Indonesia have a political conflict on the right of self-determination based on the ideology of an independent Papua. That is the difference.

U: West Papua has a tremendous wealth of valuable natural resources. What role has this played in the conflict?

SS: We defend our rights and defend our customary rights, and Indonesia has come as robbers and thieves. So, we are against it, and we believe that after independence we can manage mineral wealth from our natural resources. And we are ready to develop our own country, therefore we are still fighting. Because Papua is rich in mineral resources, Indonesia comes to terrorize and kill us, so that they can freely steal or rob our mineral wealth from nature.

U: Have foreign or international corporations played any role in the conflict?

SS: Yes, USA is one of the countries that played a role in the conflict because Freeport-McMoran mining company is from there. Freeport funds Indonesian security Forces and military operations to hunt WPNLA troops. That is clear. And Australia also supplied firearms to Indonesia for to kill West Papuans. Australia also trained Indonesian soldiers and police, to kill West Papuans. This is a fact. The British are also involved: British Petroleum (BP) is also involved in a project in West Papua.

U: What is the TPNPB-OPM’s relationship with other Papuan independence organizations, like the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULWMP)?

SS: We are not part of ULMWP, and we are not interested in the ULMWP under Benny Wenda’s leadership. Because he is ambitious and the self-proclaimed President of West Papua. He is useless man; we are allergic to someone like him. The WPNLA has rejected Benny Wenda on many occasions. But we do cooperate with other organizations like West Papua National Committee (KNPB), West Papua Alliance Students (AMP) and other organizations that are affiliated.

U: There are Papuans who do not support the TPNPB. What do you think of them?

SS: We believe that majority of Indigenous people of West Papua support the WPNLA. Those that do not support us are mainly infiltrated or influenced by Indonesian intelligence operations in West Papua. And nearly all West Papuans support our fight against Indonesian occupation and the new colonialism on our ancestral lands.

U: The TPNPB recently killed a Papuan brigadier and took two weapons from him. How do you justify killing Papuans, in your fight against Indonesia?

SS: He is an Indonesian Police personnel, it’s normal that we killed him. Because he was a part of Indonesian security forces, and he took up firearms against Papuans. Our people understand this situation, it is a risk.

Interviewer’s note: The WPNLA had released a statement on the killing, claiming it was a necessary sacrifice, for the greater good. According to one WPNLA source, the victim was “a hero, who handed weapons over to the WPNLA… and that the lives of three million West Papuans take priority over one.”

U: Have you received any support from outside of Papua? Are there any governments or groups that support your movement and your side of the armed conflict?

SS: Political support and the Free West Papua campaign is everywhere on the Earth, but no one is supporting the WPNLA financially or logistically (through sending weapons and war equipment). A majority of Australian citizens support our struggle for independence, and they are happy that the WPNLA troops fight against terrorist forces, namely the Indonesia military and police.

U: The conflict has received surprisingly little media attention, even within neighboring countries such as Australia. Why is this? What are the reasons why countries are not talking about West Papua?

SS: This is because the Indonesian government prohibited international journalists from going to visit West Papua. International humanitarian aid organizations are also prohibited from entering West Papua. The Indonesian government is arrogant: it does not even allow the International Committee of the Red Cross into West Papua for humanitarian missions, even though there is a humanitarian crisis. The Indonesian government did not even allow the head of the United Nations High Commission for Human Rights to visit West Papua, this is really crazy. Try to imagine Indonesia's attitude.

U: What message do you have for Indonesia? And what message to the rest of the world?

SS: We, the WPNLA, on behalf of the Papuan people, urge to the Government of Indonesia under the leadership of President Jokowi to open up and sit at the negotiating table with the Negotiating Team led directly by the Delegation under WPNLA to find a solution to the long-standing armed conflict in West Papua. And the negotiations in question must be mediated by the UN, so that we can discuss the future of the Papuan Nation under UN supervision (as a referee or mediator).

We also call on the member states of the United Nations and the international community to take part and stand with us the Papuan people to free our country from genocide by the Indonesian government. Now is the time to free the Papuan people from crimes by the colonial government of the Republic of Indonesia, who are arrogant and brutal towards indigenous Papuans. We ask the support of the international community and the governments of UN Member States. Thus, thank you for your attention.

U: Hormat (It means ‘respect’, and is used by Papuans)

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One of the defining aspects of the current war in Ukraine is the presence of fighting units with distinct animating ideologies. Plenty of attention has been given to the far-right units of both the Territorial Defense Forces (TDF) and the Armed Forces of Ukraine, such as the Azov Regiment and Right Sector. On the Russian side, there has been a mix of ideologies present among its fighters, from neo-Bolshevik/authoritarian communist to neo-Nazi. Nationalist factions exist on each side as well, such as the Kastuś Kalinoŭski Regiment comprised of Belarusian volunteers, and the Georgian National Legion from their namesake country, organized in 2014 and still fighting today, both on the side of Ukraine. The 141st Special Motorized Regiment, or the Kadyrovtsy, a Chechen paramilitary unit, has posted droves of content on social media from their side of the invasion forces, notably during the siege of Mariupol—which since the outset of the war became an adversarial contest between the Kadyrovtsy and the neo-Nazi Azov Regiment. (Azov fighters posted video of themselves greasing rifle rounds in pork lard as an insult to their Muslim enemies on February 27th.)

Exclusive to the Ukrainian side of the war are fighting anarchist formations and those of ideologically aligned units. One of the most prominent anarchist organizations involved in the war is the Resistance Committee (RC), a coordinating body for anarchist, libertarian, and anti-fascist units within the TDF. Many of these smaller units participating in the Resistance Committee are openly anarchist, such as RevDia and Black Flag Ukraine. Others are less ideologically inclined and were organized under different auspices prior to the war, such as the anti-fascist football hooligan firm, Hoods Hoods Klan.

The Resistance Committee and affiliated fighting units have had a consistent presence on social media since the war began, posting videos and photos of their armed fighters in the field on exercise, on the range siting in Maxim machine guns, at aid collection points, declaring their solidarity for jailed comrades in Belarus, patrolling their various areas of operations, and recently of some affiliated fighters at the front, who along with other members of the TDF have been redeployed to defend the east of the country. On May 20th, they published a four-page manifesto outlining who they are, their principles, the current scope of their activities, their organizational aspirations and greater aspirations for Ukrainian society, their view on the war, and some key demands made of both the Ukrainian government and the international community.

The very presence of anarchists within the TDF has raised many questions among those outside of Ukraine. Typical of these questions is to ask how anarchists fighting for Ukraine are organized, and what their approximate force strength is at this time. Even more common are questions of how anarchists could join any state’s military without contradicting their own ideology; similar to this are questions of how “anarchists could fight on the same side as fascists and neo-Nazis”. Ignoring that this last question is a major mischaracterization of the TDF’s force structure, we nonetheless hope to answer all of these questions about the anarchists currently fighting in and defending Ukraine.

Despite the attention that anarchists of the TDF have attracted in recent weeks, there is still much that the outside world does not know about them. Our interview with a participating member of the Resistance Committee and a TDF fighter of the affiliated anti-authoritarian military clique, “Ilya,” should answer many of these questions. Speaking strictly on his own behalf, however, here is what Ilya had to say:

Tom Lord: When was the Resistance Committee (RC) established, and what led to the decision to organize anti-authoritarian forces fighting in Ukraine?

ILYA: First of all, Resistance Committee was planned as the coordination of anarchists/libertarians willing to join the armed resistance against imperialist aggression of Putin's regime. Now still the Committee as the coordination is more a project. But it has Instagram and Telegram channel to express anarchist participation in fighting as well as guerrilla activities in Russia and Belarus.

This plan was started being developed couple of months before the war, and media accounts were set just few weeks before it actually started. We made preparations for the case of war even though only few of us if anybody was expecting it will really happen.

The antiauthoritarian platoon of TDF is frequently confused with the Resistance Committee. They are not the same even though some people from the platoon (including me) participate in RC initiative.

What was behind the decision to engage in military resistance to the invasion? From my point of view, the main reasons are:
1) Necessity and determination to be together with the society of Ukraine in its fight against neo-totalitarian aggression;
2) Understanding that any political community with ambition to become significant social actor should get organized and actively involved in the events. War as well as the revolution is time of social transformation. Which forms this transformation will take depends also from us and our activity.

TL: Was there an original anarchist formation predating the Russian invasion at the core of the Committee? When you finally came together, how were you able to formally integrate with the Territorial Defense Forces (TDF)? What was that process like?

ILYA: There were no formation or even exact anarchist organization predating the appearance of RC. There were anarchist community, different groups and individuals willing to get organized under these emergency circumstances.

We had some personal connections within the structure of TDF which gave us opportunity “to land” there as a platoon.

TL: About how many fighters are organized under the RC?

ILYA: As we say above it makes sense to speak about fighters of antiauthoritarian platoon which are around 50 people.

TL: Does the RC have a degree of autonomy within the TDF?

ILYA: We have no specific conditions that would differ us from any other subdivision of TDF. However we have pretty free space how to organize our internal life and it is organized in pretty democratic way even though in accordance to demands of having certain military hierarchy.

TL: From your perspective, should we know anything about fighting anarchist formations in Ukraine that are not organized under the Resistance Committee?

ILYA: Yes, of course. Apart from RC and antiauthoritarian platoon there are a lot of individual comrades and small groups participating in TDF or regular army, including the people fighting on the frontline. Among organized groups we can mention comrades from Ecological Platform who are also integrated in TDF.

However one of the ideas which originally laid behind RC was to set a platform for dialogue and coordination between comrades in different places and subdivisions of armed forces.

TL: What is the RC’s perspective on the war? What is the Resistance Committee fighting for in this war, and what do you hope to achieve?

ILYA: I think that the perspective which unites all the people related to Resistance Committee is the vision of current defensive war as an act of popular resistance against purely imperialist intervention of Putin's regime. That's why we participate in it and believe that defeat of occupier forces will be definitely good both for local society and potentially for all post-Soviet region.

I would love to see the invasion crashed by popular resistance and at the same time anarchist movement to come out of this story as much more organized, combative and experienced. Having much more political vision and understanding how to achieve social transformations we aspire for and also more resources for it.

TL: Do you see the anarchist fighters of the RC as carrying on the tradition of the Makhnovshchina, or is there very little relationship between today’s Ukrainian anarchists and those of the last century during Nestor Makhno’s time?

ILYA: It is obvious that Makhnovist movement and Nestor Makhno himself are the great inspirations for the today's anarchists in Ukraine, and particularly those who decided to take up arms. Sure Makhnovshchina still is the big symbol, point of reference and driving example for us. You can see face of Bat'ko Makhno in the stripes of some of our comrades.

It would be maybe too much to speak about any direct relation: so different time and social context and no continuous historical tradition of the anarchist movement because of the repressions under Bolsheviks. However we still study attentively organizational experience and social message of this movement. The basic principles of it are still actual. For many of us this movement plays a central role in historical perspective for this region.

TL: Much has been said outside of Ukraine about the fighting anarchist formation, RevDia. Are there any other anarchist militias that comprise the Resistance Committee whom you would like our readers to know about? It has been said that groups like RevDia were initially reluctant to join the Resistance Committee. Is this True? Care to say any more on that, and how the dispute was resolved, if it existed at all?

ILYA: Antiauthoritarian platoon is combined with anarchists of different backgrounds, antifascists and football hooligans. It is not a secret that relations between different constituents of this body were not always easy. However people decided to try to cast aside old quarrels for the sake of answering common challenge. I would say that we are still in process of working it out. It doesn't go without problems but there is still the will to stay organized within the military frame.

TL: As an anarchist organization, the RC obviously rejects central/vertical leadership. So, how are decisions made? Who “commands” the RC?

ILYA: As we say Resistance Committee as a coordination is still, let's say, under construction. Now it is more the space for dialogue between comrades + Media channels.

In antiauthoritarian platoon there is “normal” military hierarchy with section commanders and platoon commander subordinate to a higher military officers. However we have democratic culture of free mutual critique. We also imposed system of elected deputy commanders of the sections who are responsible to transmit critique of fighters to the platoon command. We elected media committee to regulate our media-activities. For some time we practiced teqmil, sessions of critique and self-critique, which we took from experience of revolutionaries in Kurdistan. Now it is on pause cause our unit pass through some period of waiting for new tasks and structuring.

TL: How have other units of the Territorial Defense Forces reacted to the RC, ideologically, strategically, or otherwise?

ILYA: There were no any specific reaction. Basically we are still normal unit of TDF.

TL: How have Ukrainian civilians reacted to the Resistance Committee? How have you been received by non-combatants in your areas of operations?

ILYA: We are in close contact mostly with the civilian structures of anarchist movement. It was really amazing how from the very first day of war the network of solidarity started to emerge connecting groups of comrades in different Ukrainian cities and in Europe. They have organized really significant line of logistics helping comrades in military structures, families and participated in so many different ways. Since the very first stages we stay in close collaboration with these civilian libertarian structures.

Of course we also have informal and good relations with the people in the places where we stationed. Mostly people meet us with sympathy and support, at the moment I see no alienation at all, just very pleasant communication. Mutual aid is here as well. Locals help us a lot with food, we helped a little bit with their agricultural works.

TL: Have any of your units seen combat yet? Care to say anything about the fight from an anarchist perspective?

ILYA: As a unit [antiauthoritarian platoon] we haven't been engaged in direct fighting yet. However at the first stages of war we were patrolling the area of suspected presence of the enemy diversionary groups. Also unit members assisted frontline units with the logistics and intelligence with drones. They successfully detected one of the enemy positions and then it was hit by the artillery. And helped the evacuation of civilians from the fighting zone. During these activities our fellow comrades appeared under mortar fire.

TL: Have you had much success recruiting fellow Ukrainians/Eastern Europeans? Have you had success recruiting foreigners outside of Ukraine/Belarus/Russia?

ILYA: Majority of our platoon are comrades from Ukraine. However there is also significant presence of Russians and Belarusians as well as some comrades from the West in the unit. It is really international one, but mostly made of Eastern Europeans of course.

TL: There is tremendous fascination outside Ukraine with anarchists “fighting on the same side as fascists” in this war. Acknowledging that this is a major mischaracterization, what is the Resistance Committee’s position on overtly fascist formations within the Territorial Defense Forces and within the regular Armed Forces of Ukraine? Have any of your fighters encountered Ukrainian fascists since the invasion? Do antifascist comrades anticipate clashes with Ukrainian fascists, who are also fighting against the Russian military?

ILYA: I would start with simple thing that actual powerful fascism is presented in modern Ukraine first of all by Putin's occupiers and their imperialistic social project. It should be the first target for any antifascist force. The presence of far right in Ukrainian military is dramatically over-exaggerated, mostly by Putinist propaganda. It would be unfair, however, to deny presence and visibility of right-wingers both in society and army. We believe that the best way to confront this phenomenon today for us is to develop our own structure – organized and strong.

TL: Wars often lead to vacuums of authority, the breakdown of society, etc., and thus have high potential for revolutionary movements. Do you see a high potential for revolution in this war? If so, what would be the goals of such a revolution?

ILYA: War can lead to social transformation both in revolutionary or very reactionary trajectory. We hope that Ukrainian society will show solidarity and self-organization enough to democratize society more. Obvious objectives are more control over social and economical life on the grassroots level; to reduce to a minimum dependence from “international financial institutions”; to secure the rights of the workers; to broaden social sphere and the space of responsibility for local communities.

TL: Item #12 on your manifesto demands the ease of access to arms after the war. Do you think the Ukrainian government will try to disarm you after Ukrainian forces demobilize?

ILYA: First of all it would be very recklessly to speculate about demobilization since the war looks very far from an end. I wouldn't like to go into suspicions about the intentions of any political actors but we believe that free access of the society to the means of self-defense should be assured.

TL: From your perspective, what does the war in Ukraine mean for the international anarchist movement beyond the conflict zone? 

ILYA: I believe that this war is an important challenge for global anarchist community – it is an exam to develop adequate and combative political position towards the events. It also opens opportunities to get mobilized and organized in the same manner that Kurdish revolution has opened it recently. Of course to a lesser level – because in Kurdistan the revolutionary sense of the conflict is much more obvious for the outsider. However for our region this war is the moment of truth, the major point of bifurcation. This conflict also gives a fuel for the further libertarian analysis of global realities.

TL: Thank you, very much, for your time.

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The Islamic State is conducting an “economic war” against the movement’s various enemies across the globe. In this interview, we ask Jihad Analytics about what exactly this means as well as the past, present, and future of the campaign.

Can you tell us about Jihad Analytics? What is it that you specialize in, and what do you do? How can people find you?
I am a Senior Analyst specialising in global & cyber jihad, open-source intelligence and data. After eight years of work on this theme for the public sector, I created Jihad Analytics in September 2021 to provide decision-makers from the public and private sectors, international organisations, NGOs, and media with detailed and customisable reports on global & cyber jihad.

Based in Geneva and operating worldwide, Jihad Analytics has an Internet site, as well as Twitter and LinkedIn accounts. The company uses primarily open-source intelligence for its reports.

The Islamic State has launched a global campaign of “economic war” — what exactly does this mean? And can you provide some historical background on this strategic concept?
The IS global campaign of “economic war” – as presented by the group itself – refers to the attacks on artesian wells, oil/gas infrastructures, crops, and electricity/water supply.

One can trace back the origins of such attacks to the period 2010-2014 where the Islamic State of Iraq conducted economic attacks against electricity infrastructures. These attacks were minimal though.

How does IS use its media apparatus to promote its strategy of economic war?
In issue 294 of its weekly magazine al-Naba’, the Islamic State dedicated a whole page to promote this “economic war”. An IS military official in Iraq explained the strategy behind the group's campaign on power transmission towers in Iraq between 6 June and 6 July 2021. At that time, the attacks caused blackouts, forced the security forces to protect these towers which enabled the group to launch attacks elsewhere. Obviously, the main reason is to provoke anger among the population and create more chaos.

Where did the economic war campaign begin, and how did it spread geographically?
If one looks at the history of the Islamic State, it seems logical that the first attacks under IS’ “economic war” took place in Iraq. The first IS economic attack outside of Iraq was claimed by the Islamic State’s Sinai Province against a pipeline near al-‘Arîsh on 7 January 2016. Afterwards, the group started to target economic infrastructures in Afghanistan in 2017, in Libya in 2018 and in Nigeria and Pakistan in 2020. On 29 November 2021, and for the first time ever, the group claimed an attack at a tower of electric power transmission in Lanao del Sur in the Philippines.

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Where are the attacks concentrated? What kind of targets do they choose, and how does target selection differ between regions?
The attacks against economic targets were concentrated in Iraq (Diyâla, Kirkûk, Salahuddîn) until 2020 and extended to other parts of the world where the group is active. Interestingly enough, the Islamic State’s economic war focuses primarily on electricity infrastructure in Iraq, whereas IS attacks mainly oil and gas infrastructure in Syria (Deir ez-Zor and Raqqa governorates). In Nigeria and Afghanistan, the group targets primarily electricity infrastructures.

Can you explain your research findings on the growth of IS attacks on economic infrastructure over time (since it began)? What are some of the most notable trends you have observed?
Although the Islamic State’s attacks against economic targets only represent 2.03% of the total number of IS operations worldwide over the period 2015-2021, there has been a significant increase of such attacks (312) in Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan and Nigeria since July 2020.

Have there been any significant developments or changes over the past year?
The Islamic State started to intensify its global economic war in Iraq in July 2020 and extended it to other parts of the world – where the group is active – between fall 2020 and December 2021.

In terms of the Islamic State’s economic war, what are some things to look for in the year ahead and further into the future?
Let’s see the group's ability to keep pace with the increase of these types of attacks over time. Until July 2020, the economic attacks were rather rare in Syria and Iraq. The sharp increase in the number of economic attacks and the extension to other IS official provinces could indicate that the group intends to continue and even intensify this global campaign in the coming months.

Is there anything else you would like to add?
Anyone taking a close look at the history of the group realises that such IS campaign is intended to last over time, especially once the official provinces of the group emulate the historic province of the Islamic State in Iraq.

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